Scottish Socialist Voice
Issue 282
11 th October 2006

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—front page—

Stop the nuclear tyrant!

The legacy of Kim Jong Blair

The world looks on in horror as one man’s nuclear ambition threatens to destabilise the planet.
His own people are sick of his antics yet, the more they protest, the less he listens.
Now, with his nation’s infrastructure on the verge of collapse, he and his slavishly loyal apparachiks are preparing to spend £79billion on a nuclear arsenal that could destroy the world a dozen times over.
And all in the name of peace, apparently.
Tony Blair, for it is he, is a ‘legitimate’ member of the nuclear club, which means the UK can arm itself to the teeth with Weapons of Mass Destruction and anyone who doesn’t like it can put up or shut up.
The Labour government’s drive to replace Trident, that 48 warhead arsenal moored in the Clyde, has not met with international cries of outrage, not a single whisper of a sanction, not even George W Bush, and he should know, accusing us of being a “threat to international peace”.
Yet Mr Blair is hardly a safe pair of hands.
He may not have bouffant hair and high heels, but he has been implicated in the illegal invasion of a sovereign state, in detaining people without charge or trial in conditions that fall far below international standards, and creating laws that can and are used to suppress peaceful political opponents.
North Korea’s nuclear bomb project is a terrifying prospect.
Britain’s is no less terrifying.
Not only does it heighten our risk of terrorist attack, it is capable of reducing the Earth to ashes.
It is an abomination and we, like every other state in the world, have no right to harbour such horror.

—page two—

Stop the war on women

by Dawn Fyfe

The Scottish Executive recently released the latest domestic abuse statistics for Scotland.
As expected the statistics have shown a rise in the number of incidents reported, although this does not explain whether this is due to a rise in reporting or incidence.
What has been confirmed is that yet again the vast majority, 87 per cent, of perpetrators of domestic violence are men, against women.
One of the questions asked of women who are abused through domestic violence is “why don’t you leave?”
These statistics show how unrealistic this question is, as in 50 per cent of the incidents reported the “victim” and the perpetrator were either ex-partners or not living together.
One extremely disturbing statistic is that women are most at risk of domestic violence between the ages of 22 and 25 years old.
Whether this is because younger women are more at risk or that older women are less likely to report violence to the police is unclear what is clear is that the phenomenon of male violence against current or ex-partners continues to result in the murder of at least two women per week in the UK.
This usually occurs after a catalogue of abuse against the women, the statistics show 55 per cent of the cases reported were known to be repeat victimisations.
What is not shown in the statistics is how many children have been affected by domestic violence in 2005/06.
Children are just one of the responsibilities that women have that can prevent them from escaping violence, and often is one of threats used by abusers to prevent women leaving.
The introduction of the Domestic Abuse Court in Glasgow is one response that attempts to hold men responsible for their actions, as are programmes that force men to reassess their attitude towards women. Until such times, however, that we realistically confront all the inequality that women experience, of which violence is just one manifestation, statistics such as these will continue to rise.

Passport pickets over pay

by Richie Venton,
SSP national trade union organiser

Two and half thousand passport workers in the seven Identity and Passport Service (IPS) offices across the UK (including Glasgow) are staging a one day strike on Friday 13 October over endless delay on pay from their bosses.
Over 74 per cent of these Public & Commercial Services union members voted in favour of the strike, which will be followed by a discontinuous work to rule.
The workforce are furious at the IPS management’s foot-dragging over pay, particularly in light of the 50 per cent rise in the price of passports to the public in the past year.
The settlement date for this year’s pay was August and with no pay offer in the foreseeable future, staff fear a repeat of last year when management dragged out the pay settlement for over a year.
As Bryan McKenna, PCS branch secretary at the Glasgow passport office told me:
“Last year we waited ten months for a pay offer, and when it came it was rejected by 49 per cent of the members! They made it clear to IPS management that they will not stand for such outrageous delays again.
“We put in this year’s pay claim along with the Home Office in May, just for our normal, annual rise. But IPS management sat on it for three months, only submitting it to the Treasury in September. I believe there are 130 civil service pay claims being held up at the Treasury already. PCS believes they should move on all these claims, not just ours at Passports.
“Our members are supporting the action throughout the UK, and we are confident of bringing the business to a halt.
Mark Serwotka, PCS general secretary said:
“The union has been pressing for a formal pay offer, but management have shown a distinct lack of urgency by dragging their feet and cancelling pay negotiations. Members are angry at the apparent inertia of the employer who had stated that it wanted to settle this year’s pay as quickly as possible.
“It is now time for IPS to show some urgency in settling pay, otherwise the industrial action scheduled for Friday will cause severe disruption to passport applications.”
Scottish Socialist Party convener Colin Fox MSP has lodged a motion in the Scottish Parliament demanding solidarity with these workers. The SSP will stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Passport workers in their fight to make the employers and government cough up a decent pay rise.

Council workers gear up for fight over cuts

by Richie Venton

Council workers across the land are shaping up to fight cuts to pay and conditions. The cuts loom as spineless councils, forced to redress years of underpaying women workers, instead of raising women’s pay are levelling everyone down.
First in the firing line are Falkirk's 5,000-strong workforce. The SNP council has issued 90-day notices of mass termination of the workers' old contracts as of 17 December, with the intention of imposing the new contracts on 18 December.
They spent £2million on a job evaluation and then announced cuts in pay for many staff, reductions in overtime rates and a lengthening of the working day.
The SNP councillors are proving themselves to have the same stunted vision as their Labour counterparts. They lack the backbone to join the unions in a battle to win the funding from the Scottish Executive for equal pay without detriment to any worker.
About 250 Falkirk staff demonstrated outside the council headquarters last week, chanting “Not a penny off the pay, not a second on the day!”
UNSON branch secretary Gray Allan warned the councillors:
“When you threaten pay cuts to members we send you the good trade union response - you are not on! We will explore every means of demanding equal pay, which is a central principle for us, without any detriment to wages and conditions to a single one of us.
“We will fight this legally but also prepare for strike action if you go ahead with your plans to impose your 18 December contracts.”
The union asked Carolyn Leckie MSP to speak, and warmly applauded her demand that equal pay should be achieved by levelling up, not levelling down - which Carolyn has demanded in a motion to the Scottish Parliament as it prepares budget settlements for councils.
To help coordinate the fight across Scotland, the SSP has suggested a national demo in Falkirk, on a Saturday, to boost the spirits of those in he front line and to give a national focus to this nationwide attack on workers’ wages. Falkirk UNISON branch officers warmly welcomed t his idea.
It was subsequently agreed at Scottish UNISON level after being proposed by Stephen Smellie, SSP member and branch secretary of South Lanarkshire Unison.
Other councils are rapidly queuing up to make the same assaults. Glasgow UNISON are asking for a strike ballot.
The Scottish Executive only gave a 2 per cent increase towards the wages bill last year - which took no account of inflation above that, nor the estimated £560million owed in back payments for the years of wage discrimination against women workers, let alone the estimated £300million cost of implementing Single Status this year.
The money is there if the fight is mounted to demand it. Successive years of under-spend by the Scottish Executive is one immediately obvious source.  And as the Labour/LibDem Scottish Executive, plus Labour and SNP councillors face the 2007 elections, a united campaign by the unions, wider communities and parties like the SSP could force the authorities to implement equal pay without ripping off workers' wages, bonuses, working conditions and public services.

Mackinnon workers strike as bosses refuse to negotiate

by John Moffat

Workers at the Mackinnon Mills factory in Coatbridge are staging a series of 48-hour strikes for better pay. Strikers are in dispute for a measly 2.5 per cent pay increase but their bosses claim they’re not making enough money despite turning over £23million.
The factory produces knitwear, which is sold at an outlet at the factory.
The ignorance and contempt from the Mackinnon bosses knows no bounds, as they point blank refuse to initiate negotiations, or even talk to the union.
One of the workers told the Voice:
“It’s simple, if they won’t begin negotiations, then the dispute won’t be resolved, and we’ll continue our action.”
The workers are solid and resilient, as they bear the oncoming winter weather throughout the night.
Members of the Airdrie and Coatbridge branch visited the picket line to show our support, and were warmly received. We intend to give our full support to the strikers until they get the pay that they deserve.
More action is planned for Tuesday 10 and 12 October, and again on the 16 and 18 October.

—page three—

Defend abortion rights

The campaigning group Abortion Rights has called a ‘pro-choice action week’ for the end of this month, to mark the anniversary of the 1967 Abortion Act. The group hopes the week will become an annual focus point for campaigning.
Between 23-29 October, Abortion Rights are asking people to lobby their MPs, organise meetings or film nights, and raise awareness of the issues surrounding women’s right to have control over their own bodies.
They are also asking for organisations to affiliate to the campaign.
Abortion Rights is a grassroots organisation, building a pro-choice movement to oppose any restrictions in women’s current rights and access to abortion, to liberalise the current UK abortion law, and to improve women’s access to and experience of abortion.
n For more detals see: www.abortionrights.org.uk for more details, or email choice@abortionrights.org.uk for a campaign pack, including stickers, lobbying and postcards. The group can also provide speakers, or films, for meetings.

Straw unveils Labour’s racism

by Ken Ferguson

Jack Straw’s disgusting use of the wearing of the veil by Muslim women as a pawn in his desperate struggle for power spotlights the utter bankruptcy of Blairism.
Decades of anti-racist and anti-fascist campaigning by trade unionists, socialists and community activists is cast aside by this Labour careerist as he strives for promotion.
Make no mistake about it - behind all the high-sounding stuff about respect for culture, integration into ‘our’ way of life (sic), lies squalid, naked political ambition.
Straw has been MP for Blackburn since 1979.
Has it really taken 27 years for his concern about Muslim women’s dress to become a central issue?
No!
Straw’s ‘thoughts’, though dressed up with pious-sounding language, are just the usual cocktail of political fear and political ambition.
Straw and company are uneasy at the growth of the BNP and the electoral damage it might inflict on Labour.
Nobody on the left wants to see the BNP anywhere than in the political dustbin but Straw’s tactics are dangerous and divisive and likely only to boost the far right.
The real reason for the Straw intervention can be found, for Scots, nearer home.
Dr John Reid, the multi-tasking, cabinet careerist MP for Airdrie, has set the gold standard in right-wing rhetoric in the increasingly bitter war of the Blair succession.
Reid - who, as we go to press, is still Home Secretary - is a reformed Stalinist in his politics but not his methods.
An unashamed self-publicist, his recent meeting with Muslim activists with his ‘spot a suicide bomber’ lecture was no doubt planned to get the sort of heckling it did indeed generate.
Reid is carving out an increasingly right-wing profile as he struggles to deprive Gordon Brown of the keys to Downing Street.
The result is that the entire Labour debate is now conducted in terms that are solely right-wing, with the newly re-branded Tories increasingly looking like the new party of the left!
In practical terms, the result is more demands for more jailings, bursting-full prisons, and a dramatic increase in dawn raids and the persecution of asylum seekers.

Cable Street
This sorry spectacle is taking place on the 70th anniversary of an event which throws into sharp relief the revolting neo-racism of the modern Labour party’s men in suits - the battle of Cable street.
On 4 October 1936, London’s East End echoed to the sounds of battle as 300,000 trade unionists, socialists, communists and working people flooded the streets to stop Oswald Mosley and his fascist blackshirts in their tracks.
Often ignored now, the fact is that Mosley had significant support in wide circles of the British establishment, who saw Hitler as a potential bulwark against the Soviet Union and socialist ideas.
Radical journalist Claude Cockburn exposed much of this when he wrote of high-level meetings between Nazi ambassador Ribbentrop and leading Tories.
It was opposition to the whole pro-Nazi agenda, as well as Moseley himself, that brought thousands onto the streets in angry protest.
The result was reported in the Communist Daily Worker of the day thus:
“Sir Oswald Mosley’s challenge to east London yesterday resulted in the most humiliating rout of the blackshirts. The trumpeted march through Whitechapel never took place - and never looked as if it could possibly take place.”
Describing the action the Worker continued:
“The rout of the Mosley gang is due to the splendid way in which the whole of east London’s working class rallied as one man - and one woman - to bar the way to the blackshirts. Jew and gentile, docker and garment worker, railwayman and cabinet-maker, turned out in their thousands to show that they have no use for fascism.
“The East End workers had said: ‘Mosley shall not pass.’ They showed yesterday that they meant it.”
Today, as we watch the unfolding racism of the Labour leadership contest, we must always remind ourselves that it is Cable Street, not Downing Street, that points the way ahead.

‘It is part of my religion, my identity. It’s not about being different from other people’

by Roz Paterson

In Straw’s home constituency of Blackburn, the word on the street is that, since he has lost the ‘Muslim vote’ through his support for the Iraq war - assuming you accept the idea that Muslims vote en bloc - he is now courting the extreme white one.
But in stating his aversion to the niqab, the Muslim veil that covers a woman’s face, revealing only her eyes, he is at risk of causing the divisions within communities that he claims to be trying to heal.
Straw stated that he now asks women to remove full veils when attending his surgeries. He says such garments hinder community relations. Blair has now waded in, saying Straw had every right to say what he said, and that a bit of honest debate never hurt anyone.
But what do the subjects of his comments think? Would they agree that no one got hurt?
“To me, it’s like he said he doesn’t like Muslim people,” one woman told the Voice. She has lived in Pollokshields, Glasgow, for 27 years. She has always worn the hijab, which covers her hair and neck. To her, it is “part of my religion, my identity. It’s not about being different from other people here.”
Indeed, with regard to those “community relations” that Straw is so worried about, this woman argues that she has always felt at home here, and never been criticised for wearing Muslim dress.
She might now, though, says Imran Alam, from Shawlands, Glasgow, who points out that women have been wearing these items for decades now, and “no one noticed. But Straw’s remarks make people more sensitive to it; they see it now.”
He points out that when British people, including Jack Straw no doubt, go to foreign cities, they marvel at the wonderful culture.
“But when it arrives on their doorstep, it becomes another matter. Yet when Brits go and live abroad they cling to their British identity, setting up little British enclaves in Spain, in Greece, wherever.
“Wouldn’t they feel victimised if they were told to drop their identity?”
On the subject of the worldwide revival of Islam, which he notes scholars expected to see die out in the 19th century after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, he says it has become equated with freedom struggles.
“A lot of Muslim countries have corrupt, self-serving rulers. The movements for freedom, like Hamas, are conducted under the flag of Islam. You can understand why people are turning to a higher form, to something beyond, after generations have suffered, in places like Palestine for instance, and politics and leaders have provided no solutions.”
It’s happened before. The Jews in concentration camps embraced their faith. A move that should not be confused with the rise of Zionism, just as the struggles that Imran is talking about should not be confused with blowing up London buses.
He adds that it is impossible for Muslims not to see the latest salvo against British Muslims as part of an international campaign against Islam.
“People start to question it. Why is he saying this now? What’s the agenda?”
Another woman, who habitually wears the hijab, echoes this. “I just want to know why he said this. It’s caused us a lot of uneasiness. To me, it is worse than someone coming up to me in the street and calling me a ‘Paki’. That’s just a stupid thing to say, they don’t know what they mean by ‘Paki’. But this, it feels very personal. I feel like I am personally being attacked.”
Her friend, who wears the niqab, agrees that the decision to wear ‘purdah’ goes very deep, and is related to upbringing and religious values.
For her, the niqab is “from our religion, about a woman not showing the shape of her body.”
Being asked to remove it, and by a man especially, is a particularly intrusive request. A request that would be difficult not to interpret as an assault on her privacy.
Both women felt that Muslims have been under increased attack since the London bombings last July. To them, it feels like a collective punishment.
“My son is only seven years old. He heard what was being said then, and asked, ‘Why are they always blaming Muslims?’ We’re not all the same. Yet we are treated as if we are.”

—page four—

The dirty war on Lebanon

On 14 July, Israeli forces pounded the Jiyyeh power station, 12 miles south of Beirut, allegedly to knock out infrastructure being used by Hezbollah.
The following day, they bombed the plant again, rupturing six oil tanks and sparking a series of explosions that led to the collapse of a dyke designed to prevent oil leaking into the Mediterranean.
In all, an estimated 30,000 tonnes of fuel oil have since flowed into the sea off Lebanon, creating an oil slick 85 miles long, reaching almost to Syria.
Initially, this slick acted as a blanket across the sea’s surface, blocking off light and killing plant and animal life.
In the ancient fishing town of Byblos, a little way up the coast, the harbour and surrounding landscape was disfigured by a gloopy oily coating across the water. This, with the right equipment, could be pumped out, but the oil that seeped into sand and rocks is another matter, and almost impossible to shift, ever.
But there are even worse implications. Within a month of the bombing, the oil slick began to sink.
It is, says Greenpeace Beirut, now accumulating on the seabed in a layer up to 4 inches thick.
Rick Steiner, of the University of Alaska, and an oil slick expert who helped out when the Exxon Valdez excreted 40,000 tonnes of crude into the waters off Alaska, was horrified when he saw the Greenpeace footage of the Lebanon seabed.
“I have never in my years of looking at oil spills seen such gross contamination,” he says.
The Exxon Valdez spill may have been much larger, but it was crude, not fuel, oil. Fuel oil is “heavier and thicker - and much harder to work with.”
Greenpeace believes there are at least 10,000, possibly 15,000 tonnes of toxic fuel down there already. Only dredging could shift it now.
Steiner sums it up:
“There’s no way to cut it - oil and water and fish and wildlife simply do not mix.”
Dead fish wash up along the coast, while others ingest the oil-related toxins and live, but pass them on up the foodchain, ultimately to human beings.
That’s not all; the initial explosions released a “high-risk toxic cocktail made up of substances which cause cancer and damage to the endocrine system,” according to marine experts at Inforac, a group working with the UN Environment Programme (Unep).
The 2 million inhabitants of Beirut are at risk from this “toxic spray”, which could manifest in an increased incidence of deadly cancers in future years.
Yaccoub Sarraf, Lebanon’s Environment Minister, says it could take ten years for the coastline to recover, and with it the local economy on which so many depend; the human health cost may take much longer to play itself out.
“The damage has been done. It goes without saying that the whole fishing community will be hit for at least two to three years before the ecosystem re-establishes itself.”
Tourism will also be blighted, for several years at least. “...and I am being very optimistic.”
In Byblos, the hotels remained empty during the height of the season, the music festival was cancelled, cafes and shops made disastrous losses.
People here are bewildered by it all. Israel claimed it was fighting Hezbollah, yet they wreaked havoc far beyond the areas even they could insist the militants were holding out. And left a dreadful legacy.
Sarraf warns: “If we do not intervene as soon as possible, the spill that is still floating off the coast of Lebanon could return and hit the shores again.”
Steiner is more graphic.
“If we don’t get this stuff out of the water, a month or six months from now, it will probably pop back to the surface...We could see huge tar balls washing up on the shores of the Mediterranean for years to come.”
The disaster was exacerbated by the ongoing conflict.
Usually, in the case of oil spills, intervention is quick, within 48-72 hours.
Even this isn’t enough to stem much of the damage.
But not even a full assessment of the spillage, never mind the actual clean-up itself, could begin until Israel called a ceasefire as conditions were just too dangerous for workers to move into the area.
The subsequent naval blockade meant that agencies still couldn’t guarantee the safety of their operators, so the delay was extended. By 8 August, some 20 days on, no action had been taken.
It’s underway now, but only just, and Unep, on the request of the Lebanese government, are working to establish a full picture of the environmental damage wreaked by Israel.
“There is,” says Unep’s secretary general Achim Steiner, “an urgent need to assess the environmental legacy of the recent conflict and put in place a comprehensive clean-up of polluted and hazardous sites.’
Work is “ongoing” to deal with the oil spill, “but we must now look at the wider impacts as they relate to issues such as underground and surface water supplies, coastal contamination and the health and fertility of the land.
As well as Jiyyah, Israeli forces destroyed or damaged 22 petrol stations, causing fuel to leak into the surrounding areas; breached sewage treatment centres, hospital waste disposal facilities, water storage areas; and damaged oil tanks at Beirut International Airport, again leading to hazardous spillages.
Then there are the collapsed buildings, leaking gas and toxins, the ruptured pipelines, the damaged power transformers.
Lebanon was once a playground of the rich, who flocked to its white sands and pure blue waters. No one comes here now, the esplanades are empty, the beaches silent, and underneath the waves, the dark shadow of oil sinks to the bottom, killing everything it touches.

—page five—

letters page

Free school meals: too important for party politics
It is indeed a sad day for Scottish politics when pigeons take precedence over politics and bird nuisance in Holyrood is deemed more newsworthy than proposals that have the potential to change the health of the Scottish people for generations to come.
As a member of the Free School Meals campaign, I was privileged to attend the recent launch of Frances Curran’s School Meals Bill, which proposes to provide one free school meal daily to all primary children. This is the first really serious step - perhaps the only effective step so far - to address the rapidly increasing problem of obesity in young children. This would, in turn, help to reduce some of the more serious health problems in later life such as heart disease and diabetes. 
It would also be an extremely powerful drive against poverty insofar as it would remove the stigma that prevents one in three children from receiving the free school lunch to which they are entitled.
However, despite the fact that the media was present and film was taken as we signed our names in support of the bill, there was very little mention of the event on the TV that evening or in the press the next day.
I was, personally, very proud to take part in this event, having consistently argued for this measure since the mid-60s. I was also extremely pleased to be there as an SNP education spokesperson, in the knowledge that I was representing the views of many members and grass-root supporters within my party.
I have to admit that I was extremely disappointed that none of the MSPs from my own party came forward to add their signatures. I do find it passing strange that at least some members of a party whose overriding concern is surely the welfare and well-being of the Scottish people, could not see fit to support a bill that would offer such a boost to the health and education of Scottish children. 
Since 1958 there has been evidence in various research papers which shows that undernourished children perform less well academically; that they are less able to concentrate in school and, as a result, they are more likely to indulge in attention-seeking behaviour.
Hopefully, when the bill comes before the Scottish Parliament, members of all political parties will be influenced by the realisation that one nutritious meal per school day can go a long way to rectify this.
Jim Towers, SNP Spokesperson on Education, Aberdeenshire Council
Cruden Bay, Aberdeenshire

People united can stop raids
As the recent story of Caritas Sony, snatched from her home along with her two young babies, illustrates, neither the government in Westminister nor the Scottish Executive have any plans to finally put an end to the practice of dawn raids.
The history of popular struggle shows that the only way to combat unpopular and immoral practices such as these is to mobilise the local community to direct action.
This must mean physically stopping these raids as they happen. There are surely enough people involved the various campaigns to mount an effective resistance to any raid as it happens and as such it may be worthwhile getting together with any local groups to organise some kind of mobilisation system.
We simply must find better ways of getting people out to the site of these raids as they happen.
James Kerr, Linwood

Voice moves ancestral lands
It is wonderful that socialists so far away from Australia should highlight the victory of the Noongar people in winning some legal recognition of their sovereignty over their ancestral lands.
As your September 29 article points out (issue 280), the decision has upset racists and, appallingly, the Labor Party has leapt to the higher courts about the ruling.
But, while the racists are in “a tailspin”, as you say, there is one thing in your article that has me spun out as well. Perth is not the capital of Queensland, it is the capital of Western Australia, over the other side of the continent.
You were just checking to see if we were awake, weren’t you?
Barry Healy,
Convener, East/Hills Socialist Alliance branch,
Darlington, Western Australia

Baffled by 50-50
It was with considerable empathy that I read the letter from Ian Smith (issue 281) as I too have felt baffled, patronised and insulted by what, in my opinion as a woman, is the unsocialist notion that women should be given what amounts to preferential treatment (50/50 representation, etc) because they are women.
In her article in issue 277, Roz Paterson speculates as to the number of socialist women “in that part of the world” (ie Orkney), who happen to be two Scots, three English and one South African, and who have always participated on an equal basis with their male comrades.
However, as recent reports on SSY (Scottish Socialist Youth) activities have been very encouraging, without any indications of inequality between members, this augurs well for the future of the Party.
Jean Baugh, Stromness

Grand oration isn’t everything
Hugh Kerr’s letter (issue 281) leaves no doubt about his support for Tommy Sheridan.
No one can doubt Tommy Sheridan’s ability as an orator.
He reminds me of the “blood and thunder” preachers I heard as a child.
That ability persuaded seven jurors to vote for him in the court case. However, there is only one truth, and I believe it will be revealed when the current investigation ends.
I am sad to see Tommy Sheridan try to break up the effective socialist party in Scotland, because he would not shrug off the News of the World’s smears.
Ian Finlayson, Edinburgh

—centre pages—

THE HUMAN FACTOR

Dick Barbor-Might meets diplomat the British state tried to silence over brutality in Uzbekistan

Craig Murray met the Uzbek dictator Islam Karimov soon after he arrived in the capital Tashkent in August 2002.
“I am delighted to meet you, Mr Ambassador,” he said...
“I have always had the greatest admiration for the wisdom of the United Kingdom...
“One great example of the wisdom of your government, on which I must congratulate you, is that you have just made a derogation [withdrawal] from the European Convention on Human Rights to enable terrorist suspects to be detained in the United Kingdom without trial.”
Subtext: ‘Don’t you lecture me on human rights - people who live in glass houses...’
Let’s start where Craig Murray starts his book in a chapter entitled ‘Awakening’. He had heard that there was a dissident trial. With his high status as Her Majesty’s ambassador in Uzbekistan he decided to attend it in person.
He waited for two hours in a squalid courtyard with a small crowd of distressed and anxious relatives until the barrier was opened and they all walked past a line of Ministry of Interior goons into a courtroom where six prisoners squatted on benches inside a large cage.
“An old man was assisted to the witness stand... He was shaking with fright. One of the accused was his nephew.
“The old man’s statement was read out to him, in which he confirmed that his nephew was a terrorist who stole money to send to Osama bin Laden and had travelled to Afghanistan to meet the al-Qaeda leader.
“‘Is this your testimony?’ asked the prosecutor. ‘But it’s not true’, replied the old man. ‘They tortured me to say it... They tortured my grandson before my eyes... Then they brought my granddaughter and said they would rape her. All the time they said: ‘Osama bin Laden, Osama bin Laden.’
“‘We are poor farmers from Andijan. We are good Muslims, but what do we know of Osama bin Laden?’...
“I had seen enough and left. Those three hours in court had a profound effect on me. If these were our allies in the War on Terror, we were not on the clear moral ground which Blair and Bush claimed so boastfully.”
Craig Murray took up his post as British Ambassador in Tashkent in August 2002 at a critical moment, eleven months after 9/11 and seven months before the invasion of Iraq.
It was Year 6 of the Blair era. British policy was being driven by one imperative: unqualified support for George W Bush both in the War on Terror and in the struggle to secure unimpeded access to oil and natural gas and the lucrative profits that went with them.
Uzbekistan had plentiful supplies of both commodities and was in pole position in the War on Terror. In retaliation for 9/11 the Americans had already bombed and occupied Uzbekistan’s neighbour, Afghanistan.
America’s diplomats and agents throughout central Asia were preoccupied with the hunt for Osama bin Laden and other Jihadists - and with minimising Russian influence.
Uzbekistan, which had declared independence from the former Soviet Union in 1991, had become America’s willing ally in the War on Terror, granting the US Air Force unrestricted use of a former Soviet air base for its central Asia overflights.
The ex-Soviet boss Islam Karimov had adopted Uzbek nationalism as his ideology.
Symbolising the change, he replaced Marx and Lenin as the totemic figures with that of the cruellest of medieval dictators, the legendary Tamerlane.
The huge granite head of Karl Marx in central Tashkent was replaced by a statue of Tamerlane on horseback and Lenin’s statue was torn down in the square that used to bear his name, now renamed Mustakilliq (Independence).
Before grappling with these realities Craig Murray first had to receive his instructions. As is the way with the Foreign Office, the procedure combined functional efficiency with stuffy pomposity.
Protocol required that newly appointed ambassadors should meet members of the Royal Family. At Buckingham Palace the Queen was unavailable.
Murray was no monarchist but was worried that his wife Fiona would mind. But she had already met the Queen on previous diplomatic postings and was pleased that she could clock up another couple of royals. Prince Andrew managed a lame joke that he wouldn’t be sailing with the Royal Navy into landlocked Tashkent but Princess Anne turned out to have visited the country for Save the Children Fund.
She was worried about declining standards of health and education and increasing child poverty. This was the shrewdest observation that anybody made to Murray before he went out to Tashkent.
Finally Murray went to see the Secretary of State, who had nothing to say of any consequence. Indeed, Jack Straw had forgotten even the name of Uzbekistan before Murray was out of the door. Lounging on a vermilion ormolu sofa in his opulent room, Straw called after him “Oh and, Craig, whenever you get to... wherever it is you’re going... tell them I’m thinking about them.”
All this I knew through reading Craig Murray’s book. What I didn’t know was whether there was anything in his early life that might have influenced him to do what eventually he did do. For this career diplomat did the unimaginable.
On behalf of tortured dissidents in far away Tashkent, he challenged Jack Straw, along with senior Foreign Office officials and the heads of MI6. He protested when the Legal Adviser declared that MI6 might receive information that had been extracted under torture, in clear breach of the UN Convention against Torture.
And, still sticking to his principles, he endured a protracted and malicious undermining of his position until he suffered a physical and mental breakdown.
Recovering and insisting on his trade union rights he demanded that he be allowed to return to Tashkent. Then, finally, he was forced out by the manipulation of medical procedures. Thus he lost his promising career and ended up poor and jobless and speaking on anti-war platforms.
I met Craig Murray at the door of his London flat. “Too crowded”, he briefly explained. The flat was crammed full of Uzbek refugees so we walked to a nearby café and chatted over the coffees.
The family background was of the Edinburgh slums, from which Murray’s father had escaped into war service in the RAF (“he had proper meals for the first time”).
After the war, the father worked as a civilian on American bases in East Anglia. There it was Sinatra time and casino time for the thousands of American servicemen who serviced the B47 nuclear bombers standing ready to nuke Russia.
Murray senior later became a big man in Britain’s infant gaming industry. Then he sailed too close to the wind and, hey presto, vanished from his son’s life, leaving behind a memory of fast cars and plenty of money.
Once again there was poverty, this time in a Norfolk village. The village postman introduced the young Craig to Tom Paine and to radical thinkers in the liberal left tradition.
The most important influence was the long forgotten JA Hobson, who is credited with influencing Lenin but was an important thinker in his own right. For Murray the significance of Hobson was that he condemned imperialist adventures in other people’s countries.
Hobson saw these invasions and interventions as being wicked in themselves. He also saw that they went hand in hand with xenophobia, racism and militarism back home, thus enabling the very worst brand of politicians to rise to power. With such views Murray was the odd man out when he entered the diplomatic service after a period studying at Dundee University. Yet he flourished in the Foreign Office and in his various postings to embassies and high commissions, buoyed up by the work ethic and esprit de corps.
Soon after his awakening to the grisly realities of the Karimov regime a colleague came into Murray’s office and tossed a brown envelope onto his desk. “You may not want to look at these - they’re pretty horrible.”
Indeed they were, photos of a corpse that once had been a middle-aged man. The man seemed to have been horribly tortured, a supposition that was confirmed a fortnight later when the Pathology Department of Glasgow University reported back to the embassy that the victim had died of immersion in boiling liquid - not splashing but immersion.
For a time Murray walked a tightrope, performing his expected duties with efficiency and imagination while simultaneously pursuing his investigations into the human rights abuses of the regime.
Karimov knew very well what Murray was doing but seemed to take him seriously as an ambassador who, uniquely amongst the Tashkent diplomats, stood up against the dictatorship.
Thus Murray received no fewer than seven of Karimov’s ministers at the Queen’s Birthday Party when even the Americans, top dogs in this as on all other matters, could count only on two for their 4th of July celebration.
Murray even received the attentions of Gulnara Karimova, who was Karimov’s daughter and the apple of his eye. As the two of them stood on a little bridge in the embassy garden, Murray resplendent in his kilt, he offloaded a pestering drunk onto a passing Honorary Consul while Gulnara made a mock offer to be the ambassador’s interpreter.
These ambassadorial jollities were the light relief to what was soon to become a nightmare. Behind the Blair government’s superficial adherence to human rights lay a bottomless hypocrisy.
As Murray noted, the British and US governments trumpeted their shock and horror at their ex-client Saddam Hussein’s human rights abuses in Iraq and used this to help justify the invasion of March 2003.
In marked contrast, the Bush-Blairs did not even want to know about the hideous abuses perpetrated in Uzbekistan by America’s current client, Islam Karimov. And the Foreign Office was concerned above all that Murray should do nothing more to vex the Americans - or their dictator client Karimov.
From his remote outpost, Murray watched in horror on his TV screen the ‘Shock and Awe’ bombing of Iraq, knowing full well from his insider contacts that the claims about Saddam’s WMD were rubbish.
But the problem for Murray’s superiors in London was not so much that he disapproved of the Iraq war (the Foreign Office had many sceptics) but that he would not drop the subject of Karimov’s torture regime.
Soon his superiors were expressing their concern “about areas of your performance”.
The intelligence about Uzbekistan that crossed Murray’s desk was often CIA-sourced even when routed through MI6.
As he came to realise from his own sources, much of this material was derived from Karimov’s torturers.
Morality apart, the information was worthless since people will say anything under torture.
Karimov, the sharpest operator in town, knew precisely what he was doing: label his own dissidents as “Muslim terrorists” and the CIA would lap up the resulting “intelligence product.” And so would MI6.
Yet there was every reason to obtain good intelligence.
Having no MI6 officer operating under diplomatic cover, Murray did precisely that.
He used his own unconventional contacts to find out, for example, about the extensive heroin traffic that was routed from America’s northern warlord allies in Afghanistan through Uzbek customs posts and onwards to markets in London and elsewhere.
Yet none of this excellent reporting, which revealed the sheer wanton folly of the War on Terror, seemed to matter a jot to Simon Butt, Murray’s immediate superior in the Eastern Department of the Foreign Office.
Visiting Tashkent, Butt took down in minute detail any outrageous lie that he was told by Karimov’s ministers - and tut tutted about Murray’s alleged breaches of etiquette at an embassy dinner.
It was the murder in Samarkand that nearly broke Murray’s heart. Professor Miraidov had invited him to meet some Tajik dissidents in the fabled city of Samarkand.
Some time later, Murray was told that the body of Miraidov’s 18-year-old grandson Shukrat had been dumped outside the family home. The photos that the family took showed that Shukrat had been subjected to terrible torture before he died.
Miraidov did not blame Murray, who realised that totalitarian regimes try to terrify you into inaction and that if you give in they win.
There is a but.
“I think I will see those images of Shukrat’s corpse, horribly tortured yet peaceful, in my dreams until the day I too die.”
London did not seem to care.
In fact, as Simon Butt informed Murray, the top people in the Foreign Office no longer bothered to read anything that he wrote.
It took the officials some time (with Jack Straw informed of every move but keeping in the background).
They did for Craig Murray in the end, with an inventive cruelty that he was able to only partially counter.
He did his best and was supported by his trade union and by some surprising allies, including British businessmen in Uzbekistan and his Defence Attaché at the embassy, a Colonel in the Royal Military Police.
In October 2004, Murray was finally suspended from duty.
It had been a long drawn out struggle and one that only really ended when he stood unsuccessfully against Straw in the May 2005 general election and found that, in violation of electoral law, he was unable to find any premises in Blackburn for either campaign office or public meetings.
Indeed, the story is not really over yet since Craig Murray stays alive and active.
And what of the man himself? He is friendly and witty, is in great demand as a speaker, runs an excellent website and is a tireless helper to asylum seekers from Uzbekistan.
Yet he does not see himself as a hero and self condemns for the hurt he caused his wife, Fiona, as he took up with an Uzbek girlfriend.
In the small hours of the night he agrees with his critics that he behaved badly in his private life. In public life, his credo is that government must have some principles of conduct and not torturing people is a fundamental one.
So why did Craig Murray sacrifice his career when nearly all his colleagues went along with Blair and Straw?
Why did he show such exceptional moral courage?
I don’t think it’s ideology. Let’s call it - the person he is, the human factor.
n Read ‘Murder in Samarkand - A British Ambassador’s Controversial Defiance of Tyranny in the War on Terror’ by Craig Murray (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 2006)
See: www.craigmurray.co.uk

Craig Murray will be speaking at 6pm Friday 13 October at the Radical Book Fair in the Blue Drill Hall, Dalmeny Street off Leith Walk Edinburgh. Free admission

‘KENNY BOY’

Until 2004, the American company Enron was “top career donor” to George W Bush. The relationship was buddy to buddy with Bush calling the company’s chairman Ken Lay “Kenny Boy”.
Even when he was still Governor of Texas Bush did the company favours, for example by using his official position to help Enron to access the oil and natural gas fields in Uzbekistan.
For a time Enron (who liked to call themselves “the smartest guys in the room”) were in the ascendant - not least in 10 Downing Street where the mere mention of the company’s name opened all doors. But then the company collapsed and Kenny Boy was convicted of ten counts of fraud and conspiracy.
Vladimir Putin in Moscow had been biding his time.
But feelers were being put out and Karimov’s daughter Gulnara Karimova began to put together deals with the Russians, brokering a deal with the Russian oligarch Alisher Usmanov (who has bought a large share in the Anglo-Dutch company Corus).
Eventually Karimov changed sides, with a vengeance. The US was out (out of the Uzbek oil fields and given six months notice to leave its Uzbek air base). The Russian oil giant Gazprom was in (an energy consortium with Karimov).
In Moscow Putin may have allowed himself one of his wintry smiles. In Washington, it was suddenly discovered that Karimov was a dreadful tyrant.

THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF WALES - TRAINING MURDERERS

Uzbekistan’s atrocious human rights record culminated in a government massacre of hundreds of unarmed protesters as they fled a demonstration in the city of Andijan in May 2005. Sixteen months after the massacre, no one has been held accountable for the killings.”
(Human Rights Watch, September 2006)
George W Bush reportedly blocked a call by NATO to investigate the massacre in which, according to Human Rights Watch, more than 500 people were killed. Human Rights Watch determined that Karimov’s troops made “indiscriminate use of lethal force against unarmed people.”
However, a White House spokesman called for restraint “on both sides” and suggested that Islamic “terrorist groups” might have been behind the shootings.
Karimov immediately flew into the area and took personal charge. The following day, according to reports, Uzbek troops killed about 200 more people in the neighbouring city of Pakhtabad as they tried to flee across the frontier to Kyrgyzstan.
The Scotsman has revealed that the Uzbek Army, whose prime target is its own civilians, has received training from the UK and had conducted a joint combat training exercise at the Farish camp with 150 troops from the Royal Regiment of Wales, fresh from the war in Iraq.

—page eight—

This is your conference call

I may be the only time Colin Fox will get away with comparing himself to Johnny Depp. But when he quoted Jack Sparrow, Depp’s legendary Pirate of the Caribbean - who, on being told he was the worst pirate to ever sail the high seas, replied, “Aye, but at least you’ve heard of me” - it summed up both the good humour of the SSP’s two-day conference, and the obstinate determination which has seen the party emerge from what Colin described as a “real life horror movie”.
Colin’s opening remarks to conference, where he was re-elected unopposed as the party’s convenor, focussed on the SSP campaigning which will see us through to next year’s Scottish Parliament elections.
“The party has been bruised and battered,” he admitted, but “the most recent poll puts us at 6 per cent, within striking distance of maintaining the six MSPs we saw elected in 2003.”
He spoke of fantastic support on the streets for the SSP’s free school meals bill, due to go before parliament soon, our continuing opposition to Bush and Blair’s lie-fuelled war on terror and the new generation of nuclear weapons, and our resolute campaigning on genuine anti-poverty measures.
Saturday morning’s discussion began with Richie Venton introducing a motion which “salutes the courageous, principled defence of the SSP and the interests of socialism” by the vast majority of those who stayed with the SSP, refusing to split the movement.
The motion, overwhelmingly agreed, also stated that individuals persuaded by “the misguided actions of some” to leave, would be welcomed back without recriminations.
Putting into practice declarations that this conference would not be consumed by internal matters, delegates took a break to march together to George Square to join a demonstration to mark an international day of action for the rights of refugees. (See page 12)
Ensuing discussions agreed new policies, including the extension of the SSP’s existing opposition to nuclear weapons to include Trident’s replacement and taking part in the year-long Faslane 365 protest, and the promotion of Gaelic as a crucial element of Scottish culture, long under threat from cultural imperialism and homogenisation.
Once again, delegates confirmed the party’s support for independence.
However, conference did not shy away from the turmoil induced by Tommy Sheridan’s court case and subsequent departure from the SSP - the ‘elephant in the room’ was acknowledged often enough for chairperson Morag Balfour to suggest we all give it a wave.
A resolution was overwhelmingly agreed asserting that SSP members should not resort to the courts or to ‘non-party media’ to settle grievances.
Much of Sunday’s business was taken up with considerations of how we can prevent the re-occurrence of the recent painful period.
A substantial motion setting up a commission to review the party’s structures, from top to bottom, was agreed and many other constitutional motions were remitted to be included in that review.
This should lead to a dedicated conference on party structures at some point following the Holyrood elections next year.
Conference ended with a huge vote of thanks to Allan Green, who stood down this weekend as the party’s national secretary, having been in the post since the birth of the SSP.
His job has been one of the most thankless in the party, as a lynchpin in day-to-day organisation, and the person who is almost always the first port of call with problems.
Allan was also one of the merry few with the vision and inspiration to see the possibilities for the Scottish Socialist Party, and was a driving force in its establishment.
His fairness, honesty, bravery and deadly efficiency will be sorely missed, although of course he’ll continue to play a part in the SSP as a member of Campsie branch.
Pamela Currie steps into his shoes this week, and she can be contacted in the usual ways, via scottishsocialistparty@btconnect.com and on 0141 429 8200.

‘A radical demand for a radical socialist party’

The prostitution policy debate was the culmination of over three years of discussion, prompted by Margo MacDonald’s bill on prostitution tolerance zones, since withdrawn.
The motion put before conference, by Edinburgh Central branch, recognises the need to ensure the safety of prostituted women, but notes the disastrous impact of legalisation of prostitution in other countries.
In Victoria, Australia, for example, legalisation has seen the number of brothels more than double, with one in six women in the state now working in the sex industry and an estimated 60,000 men using prostituted women every week.
Legalised brothels are listed on the stock exchange, allowing investors to make money from the sale of women’s bodies, without ever being anywhere near the sex industry themselves.
The motion recognises prostitution as inherently exploitative, the supply driven by poverty and the demand driven by unhealthy sexual attitudes.
It calls on the SSP to campaign for an approach in Scotland informed by policy in Sweden, where criminalisation has switched from those who sell sex to those who buy it -  prostituted women and men will not face criminal charges but their ‘clients’ will. It also calls for education to be used to address demand.
Moving the motion, Mhairi McAlpine, of Govan branch, argued, “We have to eradicate prostitution, not manage it.” There was clear consensus around this demand.
Debate centred instead on an amendment, which proposed to include a section to “encourage” prostituted women to join trade unions “to protect themselves against violence, abuse and to campaign to lessen the exploitation they endure.”
Elaine Jones, of Dumfries branch, argued that trade unions could take up health and safety demands, improving the lives of thousands of women.
Others argued that trade unionisation was not appropriate in this case, Jimmy Scott of Maryhill North branch asking, just what could trade unions do to improve the live of prostituted women?
Catriona Grant, of Edinburgh Central, described how women in England organise in the English Prostitutes’ Collective, which is specifically not a trade union. “Prostitution is everything trade unionists oppose,” she said.
The amendment was rejected on a card vote, by 63 to 124, and the unamended motion was agreed almost unanimously, giving us, as Sean Donnelly of Edinburgh Central described it, “a radical demand for a radical socialist party”.

Waging war on war

by Pauline Bradley

At a fringe meeting to discuss building solidarity with the Iraqi trade union movement, Richie Venton, SSP trade union organiser, spoke about the war’s ultimate aim - to privatise Iraq’s oil - and how support for the Iraqi oil unions will help them prevent this catastrophe.
Hassan Juma, of the General Union of Oil Employees, has made links with oil workers in Scotland; unions provide a resistance to the occupation, uniting forces which could otherwise be in conflict. 
As former convenor of Iraq Union Solidarity (IUS), based in England, I explained how the IUS got off the ground, involving people who wanted to help the Iraqi unions but were excluded from the TUC’s Iraq solidarity committee.
The group meets monthly, publishes articles, organises meetings for Iraqi trade unionists, collects money and will move and speak to motions in union branches, etc.
Some discontent was expressed  about the UK anti-war movement’s dependence on mass demonstrations as a way of organising, and Stop the War’s links with organisations seen as oppressive, such as Moqtada Al Sadr’s movement.
A Scottish Socialist Youth meeting also discussed anti-war work, and came out supporting Iraqi trade unions, organising at army recruitment fares, doing more community work and working with Military Families Against the War.
The SSP is emerging from crisis stronger, more focussed and determined to oppose war.

Election results

National Co-Chairs:
Morag Balfour
John McAllion

Female EC list:
Lorna Bett
Felicity Garvie
Carol Hainey
Anthea Irwin
Joanne Kelly
Carolyn Leckie
Mhairi McAlpine
Denise Morton (elected - top up for the South of Scotland)

Male EC List:
Gerry Corbett
Jack Ferguson
Alan McCombes
Kevin McVey
Donnie Nicolson
Steven Nimmo
Liam Young
Donnie Fraser (elected - top up for the Highlands & Islands)

Automatically on EC:
Colin Fox, National Convener; Pam Currie, National Secretary; Morag Balfour, National Co-Chair; John McAllion, National Co-Chair; Allison Kane, National Treasurer; Jo Harvie, SSV editor; Richie Venton, National trade union organiser
There are 23 EC members. Just over half of the EC, 12, are female.
Two are members of Scottish Socialist Youth.
Nine members overall are on the EC for the first time.

—page nine—

Let’s head on over to Glasgay

Glasgay!, Scotland’s annual celebration of gay culture returns this month.
Thinking of getting hitched? Then come and see Manuel Pereira’s Queens (Reinas) at the GFT on Sunday 15 October (7.30pm) and Tuesday 17 October (6.30pm), price £5 (conc. £4).
It’s a big, glossy Spanish take on the country’s first mass gay wedding. Your guides for the hour are five mothers coping not only with their sons’ romantic problems but with some of their own as well.
What Tammy Needs To Know - CCA, 350 Sauchiehall St, from Thursday 19 to Saturday 21 October at 8pm, price £10 (conc. £8) - is a performance installation that incorporates autobiographical text, original music and audience interaction.
What does a 55-year-old, trailer trash, ex-heterosexual, ex-famous country and western singer need to learn in order to become a contemporary lesbian performance artist?
Richard Move’s Martha @... is designed to pay special tribute to the legendary Grande Dame of the Dance, Martha Graham. Move has won accolades with his highly developed, entertaining and academically researched portrayal of the mother of Contemporary Dance. Martha @ Tramway is on at... The Tramway, 25 Albert Drive, on Friday 20 and Saturday 21 October at 8pm, price £10 (conc. £8).
For years, Diane Torr wanted to create a performance in celebration of the life of her late brother, Donald, who died from AIDS in 1992. Diane and her two elder brothers, grew up in Mastrick, a housing scheme that pushed into the countryside on the outskirts of Aberdeen. Donald was always ‘full of big ideas’, and in 1953, at the age of five, dressed in his mother’s clothes... Then as a teenager, Dusty Springfield became his role model. Everyone else was boringly heterosexual. There was only one solution - get out of town!
Donald Does Dusty is at the CCA from Wednesday 25 until Saturday 28 October at 8pm, price £8 (conc. £6).
At the Tron Theatre, 63 Trongate, there’s a rare chance to see five of the original Talking Heads - Alan Bennett’s wonderful, legendary 80s TV monologues which highlighted a Britain changing beyond recognition.
Delusional actress Lesley (Pauline Goldsmith) thinks Her Big Chance will come just after she’s completed the low-budget semi-porn movie she’s currently shooting.
Doris’s (Kay Gallie) feisty independence leaves her helpless on the floor where she spies A Cream Cracker Under The Settee. But could this water biscuit be her last meal?
Disillusioned vicar’s wife Susan’s (Jill Riddiford) mid-life crisis drives her to the communion wine, the back shop of Mr Ramesh’s grocery store and a Bed Among The Lentils.
Devoted son Graham’s (Ross Stenhouse) life is turned upside down when a man from mother’s past shows up and deigns to entertain them in a tearoom where there’s A Chip In The Sugar.
Curtain twitching Irene’s (Gwyneth Guthrie) fervent correspondence gets her into trouble with the law but this Lady Of Letters finds the freedom she craves in the most unexpected place.
Tuesday 7 November: A Chip In The Sugar & A Cream Cracker Under The Settee; Wednesday 8: A Lady Of Letters & Her Big Chance; Thursday 9: Bed Among The Lentils & A Cream Cracker Under The Settee; Friday 10: A Lady Of Letters & A Chip In The Sugar; Saturday 11: Her Big Chance & A Lady Of Letters; Sunday 12: Bed Among The Lentils & A Cream Cracker Under The Settee. All performances at 8pm, price £14 (conc. £10).
n See glasgay.co.uk

Ahlam’S Story

In a new video, Ahlam Souidi speaks frankly about her time as an asylum seeker in Glasgow. Her family are now threatened with deportation back to Algeria, where they face grave danger.
Watch and circulate the links to this video. It challenges views by relating everyday life for an asylum seeker. 
Teacher Pamela Page, who’s used the video in class, said: “Ahlam’s story is powerful. Her humanity, honesty and vitality shine through everything she says. Let’s make her so well-known that it’s impossible for her to be forced to leave her home.”
n Ahlam’s Story:

Part 1 youtube.com/watch?v =0sr7jSWLjg8

Part 2 youtube.com/watch?v =31rojR3prCA

Part 3 youtube.com/watch?v =Kl1RIiO1Tgc

Request full-length videos: nwsocialist@yahoo.co.uk

See Ahlam speaking at the 7 October Demo for Refugees: youtube.com/ watch?v=UwD_Gsdum7w

n See youtube.com/group/ Socialist for SSP videos

Pioneering advance for medical comedy

Green Wing - Series 1 and 2.
Four-disc box set out now on Channel 4 DVD

by Simon Whittle

Surreal, hospital-based comedy Green Wing is one of those beautiful rarities in television that the word ‘groundbreaking’ can actually be applied to without ambiguity.
It’s obviously a comedy but it’s hard to describe it as a sitcom because some scenes come across like sketches - some are related to a plot, others are entirely of themselves.
Half the time, the characters needn’t be in a hospital at all, as the comedy is all about their interaction with each other. Or by themselves in some cases
Green Wing creator Victoria Pile said the series was initially a progression from Smack the Pony, but with characters who had “a bit more depth and longevity”, and more narrative.
There are seven writers involved in Green Wing alongside Pile, a throwback to the original sketch-show idea, with individual writers contributing random material.
It obviously works. And even with such talented writing, knitted together into a tight script, the actors still manage to sneak some improvisation in.
Green Wing’s stand-out actor is Mark Heap (who also starred in Graham Linehan and Arthur Mathews’ Big Train, and Chris Morris’ Brass Eye and Jam).
Heap plays neurotic senior doctor Alan Statham, whose days are peppered with gigantic bouts of insecurity and a kind of mutinous lust that possesses his mind and body entirely every now and again.
And again. And again and again.
The object of this lust? The oppressive, smoke-aholic head of human relations Joanna Clore (Pippa Haywood).
Every senior doctor must have a nemesis student, I’d guess, and Dr Statham is no exception - that’s why Boyce (Oliver Chris) exists.
Near the end of the first series, at a packed charity slave auction, Doctor Statham, decked out in gladiator garb, fails to attract any bids - so Boyce buys him for 30p.
When he’s not preoccupied with the objects of his desire or derision (or murdering a face-painted dwarf with a stuffed heron), he’s obsessing over the ‘flow’ of his white doctors’ coat as he walks around corners in the hospital.
That’s what Green Wing is all about.
That and the heavily-stylised rhythmical music-driven editing which, although it undoubtedly put many potential viewers off, helps the show stand out from the pack.
This year’s Xmas special is likely to be the last installment of this genre-breaking situ-drama-sketch-thing. Enjoy.

Tuned in
Keef Tomkinson

Saturday 14 October

Life of Pryor: The Richard Pryor Story, BBC2, 9.40pm
Richard Pryor: Live in Concert, BBC2, 10.40pm
When you grow up in a brothel which your grandmother runs, your mum works in and your dad pimps, you gotta laugh. That’s what Richard Pryor did. Using his comedy for self-analysis and to examine 1970s racist America, Pryor took a Lenny Bruce sized mallet to comedy’s rules.

Monday 16 October

Suez, BBC2, 9pm
In 1956 the ‘Great’ in Great Britain became a joke after a disastrous attempt to regain control of the Suez Canal which Egypt had recently nationalised. This documentary looks at the background and events of the crisis.

Tuesday 17 October

Good Bye Lenin!, BBC4, 11pm
This German comedy follows a son’s desperate attempts to hide the fall of the Berlin Wall from his frail, devoted communist mother. The story of building an epic lie... mmm.

Thursday 19 October

Death of a President, Channel 4, 10pm
Mock-documentary portraying how America and the world may react to the assassination of George W Bush. I doubt they will show me and the comrades celebrating down the pub, but may reflect our fears of what it would unleash.

Friday 20 October

Unreported World: South Africa - The New Apartheid, Channel 4, 7.35pm
Unreported World returns to its nightmare early Friday evening slot. Nevertheless, try and catch this examination of the rise in xenophobic attacks of immigrants in South Africa.
Cross of Iron, ITV4, 10pm
Sam Peckinpah leaves the dying embers of the Old West for the last days of World War Two. The film centres around James Coburn’s retreating German platoon as they battle Russians, Nazi stooges and an aristocratic officer desperate for glory. One of the great anti-war films.

—page ten—

international news

Murdered in Moscow

Obituary
Anna Politkovskaya
1958-2006

Anna Politkovskaya’s death in Moscow was as shocking as some of the stories she uncovered about the Putin government and the ongoing atrocities in Chechnya.
Last Saturday, the world-famous journalist entered the lift of her Moscow apartment block, intending to collect her shopping from her car, parked in the street outside.
She never made it.
Instead, a few hours later, a neighbour found her body; she’d been shot four times, once in the head, in what bears all the hallmarks of a contract killing.
Anna was a fierce opponent of the war on Chechnya and a fearless critic of the ‘Butcher of Chechnya’ himself, Russian premier Vladimir Putin.
“We have little doubt,” said Vitaly Yaroshevsky, her shocked editor at Novoya Gazeta, “that she was killed because of her work. Her reporting made her many enemies. Her death is a catastrophe.”
Born in New York in 1958, the daughter of a Ukranian diplomat, Anna could have had a reasonably easy time of it. Instead, she bridled at the horrors, perpetrated by Putin, that went unspoken. The Chechen youngsters torn from their beds by Russian troops and never seen again, the victims of kidnappings kept in pits knee-deep with freezing water until their relatives paid up, the corpses sold back to desperate, grieving families who needed to observe Islamic burial rituals.
Her first two books - A Small Corner of Hell: Dispatches from Chechnya (2000) and A Dirty War: A Russian reporter in Chechnya (2001) - won her the hatred of the Putin regime, and pro-Russian Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov.
And the trust of the ordinary Chechens.
She did not uncover any great secrets; she simply dared to tell the truth about what she saw with her own eyes on her many, dangerous trips to the war-blighted country.
Such was the regard in which Chechens held her that, during the 2002 siege of a Moscow theatre by Chechen rebels, she was the only reporter they would talk to, and served as their negotiator with the Russian authorities.
She inspired such fear in Russian government circles that, when she attempted to travel to Beslan in 2004 to cover the school siege, she was poisoned and had to be treated in hospital.
She survived, but her card was clearly marked.
Her third book - Putin’s Russia (2004) - revealed how Russian’s trillionaires came by their wealth; it enraged Putin.
Equally rattled was Kadyrov; Anna claimed to have material linking him to the wave of kidnappings and murders that still sweep Chechnya.
Could this have been the motive for her murder? Or was it an agent of the Putin government? Or perhaps a free agent, keen to ingratiate themselves by performing this uncalled-for, but clearly welcome, hit?
Whoever is to blame, the culture fostered under Putin, where press freedom is being strangled and journalists can be murdered seemingly with impunity, facilitated them.
Anna is the thirteenth journalist to be murdered under Putin’s watch.
Her death, a tragedy for her two children and her colleagues and supporters, could prove to be the final nail in the coffin for Russian journalism.
“If the state murdered her,” says political commentator Alexei Malashenko, “then we don’t need such a state.”
Anna did not see herself as a martyr to her cause.
“I am not on a crusade. But I feel that someone has to write about what is happening in our country.
“I have always been driven by a sense of solidarity for ordinary people who suffer at the hands of this regime.
“In Chechnya, unspeakable war crimes have been committed but hardly anyone has the guts to write about it. I don’t want my son to grow up in a country which allows such things to happen.”
She repeatedly warned that Russia was slipping into an abyss of repression and criminality.
The Russian Journalists’ Union saluted this “person of extraordinary courage and inflexibility.”
It urged the world to remember her, not for her dreadful death, but for her extraordinary life and work.

—page eleven—

international news

Burma: ‘world looks other way’

The ruling military junta in Burma is still ‘working’ on its transition to democracy, reconvening its constitution talks while the world’s eyes are upon it.
That this is a farce of the highest order goes without saying, not least because Burma, now known as Myanmar, remains the bloodiest dictatorship in the world, where rape and torture are used routinely by government forces, where children are forcibly recruited as soldiers, where ethnic minorities are murdered en masse, where at least hundreds of thousands are internally displaced, and where people are enslaved in the tourism industry, the biggest source of income for the military government.
Not only that, but the National League for Democracy (NLD), which won the country’s last General Election in 1990 yet has never been allowed to govern, has been excluded from these constitutional talks.
Their leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains in detention, having been held under house arrest on and off for 17 years. On 9 October, she clocked up 4,000 days in detention. On 24 October, that will come to 11 years.
Says Yvette Mahon, of the Burma Campaign UK:
“These milestones come and go, yet still most of the world looks the other way.”
The United Nations, however, has at least put Burma on the agenda. But this may prove as useless as those constitutional talks.
UN under-Secretary General Ibrahim Gambari, leader of the UN delegation, is worryingly naïve when it comes to Burma. Following a visit there in May, he appeared to have swallowed the junta line about moving towards democracy. He thought that Aung San Suu Kyi would be released shortly. In fact, a few days later, she was sentenced to a further year in detention.
On 29 September, he reported that progress was being made as two political prisoners had been released. Unfortunately, five pro-democracy leaders were arrested around the same time, “to prevent instability of the state and to prevent terrorist attacks”, according to the government. Supporters of the five arrestees, leaders of the 1988 pro-democracy movement, have been urged to wear white and already a 120,000-strong petition has been put together.

Kenya’s Mau Mau veterans WANT justice - 50 years on

by Wullie McGartland

The UK government face a lawsuit from Kenyans who suffered under the brutal reign of the British Empire 50 years ago.
The claimants were victims of Kenya’s independence war with Britain, suffering under the imperialist masters during the Mau Mau uprising.
The uprising was a turning point in Kenya’s battle for independence. The revolt took place as the Kikuyu, along with some Embu and Meru people, rose up in a bid to reclaim the land appropriated by the European white settlers; the name of this movement was the Mau Mau.
The resistance of the Kikuyu people to European colonisation was well established before the Second World War.
The Kikuyu Central Association was active in the 1930s under Jomo Kenyatta who campaigned for the Kikuyu in Europe.
In 1951, Kenyatta was arrested and imprisoned by the British for being a leader of the Mau Mau movement.
With his detention, Mau Mau grew in numbers. In October 1952, the British declared a State of Emergency, which continued until 1960.
The State of Emergency was claimed to be in response to an increase in attacks on the property and persons of white settlers, as well as African chiefs who were seen as collaborators.
In reality, it was just an attempt to quell the growing tide in favour of Kenyan independence.
During the uprising, 13,000 were killed fighting the British, another 80,000 were tortured or maimed, and over 160,000 were kept in inhumane conditions in detention camps.
The number of Europeans who died in the course of the emergency totalled just 32. In 1960, the uprising was suppressed by the British imperialists.
Kenyatta was released in 1961. The Kenyan African National Union (KANU) had voted him their President while he was still in prison. Kenya gained its independence in December 1963.
Veterans of the Mau Mau are demanding an apology and an out-of-court financial settlement from the British government in reparation for their treatment during the uprising.
Eleven test cases are being brought against the government. If the British authorities fail to settle out of court, the case would go before the High Court in London.
One of these cases is that brought by Jane Muthoni Mara, who was just 15 when she was rounded up by security forces on suspicion of sending food to the Mau Mau.
She then spent three years digging gravel in a series of British concentration camps.
Another is that brought by Wambugu Wa Nyingi, aged 78.  At a press conference in Nairobi, he told journalists how he was present as 11 prisoners were clubbed to death in a prison camp. Wambugu himself was beaten and left for dead.
The claimants’ lawyer Martyn Day, a British lawyer hired by the Kenyan Human Rights Commission, told the media that neither Britain nor Kenya could move on so long as the Mau Mau were forgotten.
“We recognise the pain, suffering and torment that these freedom fighters have gone through, many of them are still suffering from the after-effects today,” he said.
“We call on the British government to pay compensation to these people so that they can receive the justice they deserve.”

Bolivia demands US extraditions

A human rights delegation from Bolivia has arrived in the US to seek the extradition of the former president and two former government ministers, who are facing charges of killing 67 protesters, and the wounding over 400, in October 2003.
Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, the former president, Carlos Sanchez Berzain and Jorge Berindoague left Bolivia in rather a hurry three years ago, following the popular uprising that put an end to their regime.
The people were enraged by de Lozada’s government’s decision to export natural gas direct through a port in Chile, rather than process it domestically, where such an industry could have gone a long way to lifting the people out of their dire poverty.
But then, when did a neo-liberal government, of which de Lozada’s was a prime example, ever do anything for the people? After all, it had its multinational friends to consider, between whom it had carved up Bolivia’s natural gas reserves, the second largest in South America.

Tanks
In late September/early October 2003, hundreds of thousands of Bolivians took to the streets. And were met by government tanks and troops, who gunned them down mercilessly, resulting in the death and injury tally noted above.
This armed response was to provide legal security to the foreign multinationals; underscoring the fact that this government’s loyalties were with the forces of globalised capitalism and most definitely not with its people.
Rogelio Mayta, part of the human rights delegation and a lawyer representing those killed in 2003, recalls that brutal response, saying: “It was about scaring the people so that they would stop protesting.”
He points out that the people’s resistance was characterised by its peacefulness. The only ones who bore arms were those carrying out the orders of the government.
President Evo Morales, in New York recently to attend the UN General Assembly, led the call for the extradition of the former premier and his acolytes “who practised genocide, who were corrupt under previous administrations and who today are free here in the US.”
He stated that, thus far, the US had been less than helpful. Mayta has also noticed a certain hesitancy on the part of the US government.

Obstructing
“(W)e’re worried, because now the US government is impeding and obstructing a process for the hundreds of victims to have justice.”
The US government has been stalling for 15 months now, refusing even to hear the charges against these men. Under Bolivian law, this means that proceedings for extradition cannot begin.
Sanchez de Lozada’s government was also behind the infamous law that allowed multinational Bechtel to seize control of Bolivia’s water supply, and crank up charges by 300 per cent.
A popular and sustained protest put paid to that, though there are still rumblings at the World Bank ongoing.
Oscar Olivera, one of Bolivia’s best-known political activists, also on a visit to the US, recalled that struggle on US news programme Democracy Now!. He said pointedly that Morales should remember it too.
“He was not the principal protagonist in that struggle, nor was...Oscar Olivera. It was the Bolivian people...(Morales) is in government to obey the people...to change the political and economic system of the country. We’re going to continue pushing forward that process, which means recovering our common goods, as well as our capacity to decide.”
Olivera was due to participate in a demo outside  de Lozada’s current residence in Washington DC. Just to remind him there’s a warm welcome waiting for him at home.
n See www.democracynow.org

Nepal debates life after dictatorship

by Ken Ferguson

Talks between Maoist rebels and the Nepal government, which failed to reach agreement last weekend, were due to resume as the Voice went to press.
“The draft of the interim constitution was presented before the top leaders of the seven parties and the Maoists at Sunday’s meeting,” said a joint release issued after an eight-hour meeting attended by Premier GP Koirala and elusive Maoist chief Prachanda, alongside senior leaders of the Seven Party Alliance
The Maoists played a major part in massive street protests earlier this year which forced the  collapse of the Royal dictatorship and the assumption of power by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA).
Political prisoners have been released, royal power severely restricted and the military put under civilian control.
The talks had a number of pressing issues on the agenda, including the interim constitution, election to a constituent assembly, implementation of past agreements, arms management, relief to conflict victims, socio-economic transformation and restructuring of the state.
Official sources described the talks as “cordial” but it is clear that the issue of Maoist weapons and military forces will be a thorny matter to resolve.
Rajendra Mahato, general secretary of Nepal Sadbhavana Party, commented:
“The meeting failed to produce any concrete results as expected by many and it was decided that more time was needed for further discussions on other crucial issues.”
Thus talks were to continue on Tuesday.
That said, according to Communist Party of Nepal (UML) general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, there was a “wide understanding” that the elections to a Constituent Assembly would be completed by May next year.
The meeting also agreed to appoint commissioners at the Election Commission at the earliest possible opportunity.
The talks, resumed after a four month gap, were held at the prime minister’s residence at Baluwatar amidst tight security with the venue being surrounded by security forces and Maoist cadres.
The first round, between the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists, held in June, was aimed at ending the decade-long insurgency after King Gyanendra was forced to end 14 months of royal dictatorship in April following mass public protests led by an alliance of SPA and Maoists against the monarch.
A large number of pro-democracy activists, those injured in the April protests, youths and students, were gathered near the venue ‘to exert pressure’ on their leaders.
Nepal Congress (Democratic) President Sher Bahadur Deuba, Deputy Prime Minister and People’s Front Nepal chairman Amik Serchan, Nepal Sadbhavana Party acting president Bharat Bimal Yadav, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party chairman Narayanman Bijukchhe and United Left Front leader and minister Prabhunarayan Chaudhari took part in the talks.

—page twelve—

Demand free school meals for Scotland

New research has revealed that exercise alone will not cure Scotland’s childhood obesity epidemic.
Clearly the rise of a sedentary culture, where children play computer games in their bedrooms rather than ball games in their streets, is doing young people’s health no favours, but the findings of a Glasgow University research team suggest that it is what you eat that makes you what you are.
The study took in 545 pupils across 36 nursery schools, in a bid to determine whether regular exercise in school would reduce Body Mass Index (BMI).
In some schools, pupils undertook three exercise sessions, of 30 minutes’ duration, a week. This was supplemented by parents being given guidance on increasing physical play at home.
In other schools, there was no such structured exercise.
The results showed that BMI was unchanged from nursery to nursery, as children who undertook increased physical activity at school rested more at other times.

Confidence
What the school exercise did improve, however, was motor skills and confidence, which could improve long-term health in making a child more predisposed to physical activity.
So what can be done to combat the rise of childhood obesity? Currently 10 per cent of four to five year olds are clinically obese. If this trend continues, we are facing an upcoming generation of seriously overweight adults, with the attendant health problems - cancers, heart disease, infertility - to match. It’s a death sentence and we owe it to those in our care - our children - to do something to prevent it.

Intervention
If we were talking about an epidemic of TB, the government would have no hesitation in launching a major public health intervention. Why can’t they do the same for obesity? Leaving it to food manufacturers and privately-run catering companies is a dereliction of duty of the highest order.
The SSP’s proposal for free, nutritious school meals for every state school child in Scotland is the public health intervention we need. If such meals were provided, free, uptake may initially go down. After all, if you’re used to burgers and chips every day, a wholewheat lasagne and salad may not be to your taste.
But as the examples of Finland and Hull have shown, uptake will then soar as pupils gravitate towards the idea of communal, healthy eating and parents wise up to the fact that they don’t need to dish out dinner money every day.
And with at least one wholesome meal inside them, school students will be less inclined to graze on junk food and will grow up with at least one good example of what constitutes a healthy diet, even if their parents can’t provide it.
Finland showed the way. In the long-term - and this is a long-term issue, not capable of being solved with one-off initiatives and triple portions of soundbites - incidence of obesity and heart disease plummeted to amongst the lowest in Europe.
We could do the same, and it would cost less than it will to build the five mile stretch of the M74 extension, which was flagged through by the Scottish Executive in the teeth of opposition. Not that they’ll necessarily get away with it, of course!
Frances Curran’s Free School Meals bill is being tabled in the Scottish Parliament very soon. Make sure your MSP knows all about it, and keep on at them until they agree to support it.
SSP activists across Scotland are taking the message onto the streets, and meeting with massive support. Let’s keep the pressure on and deliver the greatest public health intervention in the history of the Holyrood parliament.

No more deportations!

by Donnie Nicolson

Despite a growing climate of fear amongst asylum seeker communities, 600 people, mostly asylum seekers, gathered in Glasgow's George Square to defy an intensified series of dawn raids against families in Glasgow.
The protest follows last week’s dramatic events, when Home Office snatch squads were faced down by angry protesters at early-morning vigils in Scotstoun and Cardonald.
The size of the rally pays testament to the courage and resilience of people seeking sanctuary in Glasgow.
Campaigners are speculating that Home Secretary John Reid has given a green light to snatch squads to ignore a previously agreed protocol and step up their hugely unpopular process of dawn raids. This has led many families to fear that they or their friends and neighbours may be next.
Cat Storrie from the Unity Centre was pleased with the turnout: “Today has been great. We had hundreds of people from different communities...of different countries around the world. The whole day was good fun despite the very serious reason for being there.”
The rally was boosted by three feeder marches which came from Sighthill, the Gorbals, and Maryhill. The Maryhill march - called by a  public meeting of local asylum seekers, support groups and Rosie Kane MSP - involved nearly 100 people.
The crowd in George Square swelled again when hundreds of delegates from the SSP’s annual conference - taking place in nearby Caledonian University - marched down Hanover St to join the protesters. 
SSP activists and other campaigners will continue to defy the Home Office until the barbaric process of dawn raiding and deportations ceases.


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