Scottish Socialist Voice
Issue 306
10th May 2007

back to index


—front page—

We’re down but not out

Scottish Socialist Party is alive and kicking

We fought in hope, and we got beat. Big time.
But last Thursday’s electoral rout does not mean that the Scottish Socialist Party is a spent force, or that we’re about to implode for months on end to indulge in self-recrimination and doubt before tentatively hitting the streets again.
While the media lens was turned on the race for Holyrood, time didn’t stop and life went on inexorably, the rich getting that little bit richer while the poor got poorer, the private sector expanding while public sector waiting lists sprawled off the end of the page, luxury flats going up while council housing came down, war raging while peace foundered, people dying of excess while others were wasted through want.
And just as surely as this goes on, so too does our fight for the radical alternative.
We didn’t paint the town halls red, or storm the bastions of the Scottish Parliament, but we did keep on fighting, joining PCS strikers on the picket lines on 1 May, supporting the Sunvic workers as their strike went from days into weeks, railing against PFI hospital deals and private bids for GP services, against the British government’s war in Iraq and its war at home against the poor, the disabled, the young and the elderly.
We kept fighting for education for all, and the rights of asylum seekers to live in peace and prosperity, for public transport and against motorways, for people first, and profits never.
We didn’t stop for the elections, and we won’t stop now.
The Scottish Socialists are intact, our membership is increasing, our ideas are powerful, persuasive and making a difference, and our aim is true.
Don’t be put off by the notices of our death that the press have been so keen to post.
We are the Scottish Socialists, we are alive and kicking, and our fighting spirit, our hope, springs eternal.

back to index

—page two—

Save Meadowbank

Linda Somerville explained to the Voice what the Edinburgh Council election results mean for those resisting the developers in the city

The council result seems to be good for the Meadowbank campaign. The Liberal Democrats and SNP (who only had one councillor before) had both indicated before the elections that they were willing to take another look at the proposed closure of Meadowbank stadium, one of the best used sports facilities in the city.
Under massive pressure from the campaign - including a public meeting attended by 600 locals and athletes in March 2007 - the Labour group put a motion to the full council meeting on 24 April, pretending that they were reconsidering the move.
In fact, their motion just reiterated their intention to demolish the stadium, but successful SNP and Lib Dem amendments meant that the council had agreed to review the decision and look at all options, with a report due by the end of June.
This seemed to be a short timescale to come up with a proper proposal for the site. In reality, all of the parties, particularly Labour, were paying lip service to people’s concerns, preoccupied with the elections coming up and under pressure from the campaign.
We now have a different council where the Lib Dems hold the majority of the seats.
No doubt they will review the plans but we don’t know the extent of this review, and it may still involve partial demolition of the facilities.
I’m sure the campaign will watch with interest to see what proposals will now come out.
Labour have been closely aligned with the threat to Meadowbank and other controversial proposals such as the Old Town development. Former Labour councillor Trevor Davis - who had been head of planning - unexpectedly lost his seat in the Leith Walk constituency, despite another Labour candidate being newly elected in the same seat. Amazingly, he claims that the alphabet did him in, as the other candidate’s surname began with a B!
The defeat of Trevor Davis and other Labour councillors is good news for community campaigners in the city, many of whom recently joined together in a non party-political umbrella group called ‘Edinburgh at Risk’, which aims to extend local campaigns against the developers ripping up different parts of our city.

n Choice websites: www.savemeadowbank.pwp.blueyonder.co.uk www.eh8.org.uk www.edinburghatrisk.org

Support Sunvic action

Workers at the Sunvic plant in Uddingston made an appearance at Glasgow May Day to highlight an industrial action that has been ongoing since March.
The dispute arose following 14 months of negotiations between staff and management on pay and contracts - negotiations which collapsed when the latter refused to budge on the issue of enforcing periodic lay-offs and short-time working as part of new work contracts.
For years, there had been unspoken understandings regarding quiet periods and lay-offs, but all that goodwill, long-established, now seems to count for nothing with a management set on screwing its workforce down to reduced terms and conditions, with minimal financial recompense.
This increasingly bitter dispute has seen management invoke the law to try to prevent picketing, rather than sit down with workers and negotiate a solution.
Meanwhile, agency staff are being drafted in to do the jobs of the strikers, who have witnessed taxis ferrying scabs past their picket-lines on a regular basis.
The strikers comprise 42 production workers, most of whom are women.
They mainly produce thermostat regulators, for companies including B&Q.
Scottish Socialists, including former SSP MSP Carolyn Leckie, have been regular visitors to the Sunvic picket line.
SSP Central Scotland regional organiser Kevin McVey comments:
“The dispute has reached a critical stage, and it is key that there is broader trade union movement support for these workers.”

n Messages of support can be sent to: Sunvic Controls joint shop steward committee, c/o Margaret Paterson, 51 Emily Drive, Motherwell ML1 2SH. Donations should be made payable to Sunvic Strike Fund

300,000 PCS workers strike

May Day last week was marked with a massive show of strength by civil service workers in the PCS union, as around 300,000 took part in a full day of strike action - calling for decent pay and the protection of vital public services from Gordon Brown’s axe.
Mairtin Gardner, a PCS rep in the Glasgow Benefits section, told the Voice that around 90 per cent of his workplace supported the strike, “and that was reflected across most workplaces - it was absolutely solid action yet again.”
A two-week overtime ban is currently in place to stop management soaking up the effect of the strike action.
A PCS rally in Glasgow brought more than 100 strikers together in confident mood, and a similarly busy rally was held in Edinburgh. An SSP-organised meeting for PCS members later in the day was also well, and enthusiastically, attended.
“The next step,” Mairtin told us, with PCS conference beginning next week, “is to see a Left Unity majority returned in the NEC and GEC elections, and the elections across the sectors, to keep up the fight in defence of our members’ and the public’s interests.”
A PCS rep added that one powerful option in the hands of workers is a one-day strike across the public sector:
“Labour is weak at the moment, after the elections and with infighting at the top of the government. Now is the time to let Gordon Brown know that after ten years of Labour government, we are prepared to take action to defend jobs, pay and public services, in the NHS and across local and national government.”

Families struggle with debt

Wages have fallen and the cost of living risen to such an extent that households can no longer rely upon a sole breadwinner.
Nearly half of all families in the UK now need two, or even three salaries just to keep their heads above water, according to a new survey from Scottish Widows.
Childless families are finding life tough, but not as tough as those with children.
Over 50 per cent of families with one child or more said they would not be able to pay household bills and keep a roof over their heads if both adults weren’t working.
This is forcing many young mothers back into the workforce, assuming that is they can find affordable childcare, the costs of which are sky-rocketing across the UK.
This puts families in a precarious position, as periods of high unemployment could hit them doubly hard, pushing them into debt, thus making their situation more precarious still.
Debt levels are noticeably higher amongst families with children, with families with two children owing an average of £100,000, including mortgage, loan and credit card borrowings, compared to the average for childless families, which stands at a still horrifying £82,000.
What the future may hold for such families is hinted at in another survey, this time from insolvency firm Thomas Clarke, who note the steeply rising tide of bankruptcy, particularly amongst the over-55s.
Nearly one quarter of this age group, with a debt of £10,000 or more, said they were ‘quite likely’ or ‘certain’ to go insolvent compared to one in ten 18-24 year olds.
But this younger group face a lifetime of debt, thanks to the twin curse of low wages and escalating interest rates.
Debt is not so much easy to get into as impossible to avoid when our government persists in pegging the minimum wage at poverty levels, while letting the market dictate the price of everything, from petrol to housing to basic food items to electricity.
Corporations, especially the major banks and credit card companies, are making a killing. But they are killing off family life, and keeping the workforce where they want them - scared stiff of losing their jobs, however poorly paid, and whatever the terms and conditions.

back to index

—page three—

news

End of era for ‘eager man’ Tony

by Dick Barbor-Might

This coming Saturday, 12 May, is the 13th anniversary of the death of a Labour politician who never did make it to 10 Downing Street. When he died from a heart attack in 1994, John Smith was confidently expected to be the next Prime Minister, as John Major’s discredited Tory government as it limped towards its inevitable trouncing at the ensuing general election.
The distress at Smith’s premature death went wide and deep in the Labour Party. This sadness was reflected, in both words and demeanour, by the succession of politicians who lined up on St Stephen’s Green outside the Westminster Parliament to give their tributes to the dead leader.
I had been detached from any kind of political involvement for several years but I happened to be watching the TV coverage and saw one politician after another express their sense of shock. They seemed genuine and, in a word, gutted.
Then the cameraman did a strange thing. He or she panned along the line of politicians queuing up for their minute or so of airtime. And there, three or four along the line, was a man I hadn’t seen before.
Intently, unaware of the camera’s eye, the man was checking the cut of his suit (he was smartly dressed, the picture of elegance).
Unaware of the camera’s eye upon him, he had an air of eager expectation upon his face. A few minutes later he was introduced as Tony Blair and was solemnly expressing to camera his deep regrets at the passing of John Smith.
Nothing untoward in the words - but his previous look of excitement when he thought himself unobserved has stuck with me ever since. This, I remember thinking, is a man eager only for himself and without proper human feeling. But he well knows how to put on a show and he trades on personality. And, as we know from all sorts of insiders’ accounts, in the days that were to follow, Blair cut out his rival Gordon Brown and manoeuvred with consummate skill to make sure that it was he who would succeed John Smith as Leader.

Old boy
The other day I was interviewing somebody outside Edinburgh’s Fettes College but had time to spare to study the Victorian building, half mock baronial and half French gothic, with its flamboyant central tower.
This was where Tony Blair started out, when he arrived there as a fresh-faced 13-year old in 1966.
The school is equally famous for its connection with James Bond as the character invented by Ian Fleming (“expelled from Eton, educated at Fettes”) as it is for its most famous old boy, Tony Blair, whom we might say has invented himself.
Fettes is discreetly proud of him. There’s a bronze bust hanging around somewhere, which I imagine might be prominently displayed when Blair leaves Downing Street in a few weeks’ time and starts to earn good money on the American lecture circuit. They say it could be as high as $250,000 a night.
Fettes, with its privilege and grandiloquent buildings, was a fitting setting for the young Tony Blair. His father. Leo Blair, had grown up in the Glasgow slums and had dreamed of being a Communist MP.
Later, after service in the Army where he was promoted to Lieutenant, Leo changed course. Now he wanted to be a Tory MP and strove to climb the social ladder, lecturing in law and training as a barrister. Then Leo suffered a stroke and never did get to realise his ambition, bequeathing it to his son instead.
Back in 1966, Fettes was - as it has remained - the Scottish public school of choice for the aspirant middle classes. During his school career Tony Blair set about making friends and influencing people. Slightly rebellious - but not enough to encounter any risk - Blair appeared in school plays, shone a little, developed a taste for “leadership” and learned how to be utterly charming.
Away from Fettes, first at St John’s College in Oxford and then at law school in London, he became a barrister, a protégé of ‘Derry’ Irvine (later Irvine was Blair’s Lord Chancellor and became infamous for spending £58,000 on hand-made flocked wallpaper for his apartment in the House of Lords).
Blair found the law boring and politics much more congenial - provided he could avoid the drudgery of canvassing and envelope stuffing. He had his wish and in 1983 became the Labour MP for the English north-eastern seat of Sedgefield, along the way charming people as diverse as Michael Foot and the fixers in the Constituency Labour Party.

Self-promotion
Blair worked hard to become “the coming man” in the Labour Party of the 1980s and early 1990s. But he was helped, and by none more so than the then Leader, Neil Kinnock, who was delighted that Blair was willing and eager to attack such icons of the trade unions and the Labour Party left as the closed shop.
The self-invented man has always had the sharpest of eyes for his own self-promotion and an acute judgement for how to ‘play’ others whom he encounters along the way - their weakness, ambition, cowardice or scruple.
The man without qualities treats all the world as a stage, his stage, and is never happier than when posing and performing as an international statesman: his latest ambition, apparently, is to promote “inter-faith dialogue” after he leaves office.
The man without moral feeling presents himself as a moralist and uses sleight of hand in Whitehall and debating skills and government control of business in the House of Commons to pervert the truth.
The man who wants to be rich shares the opinion of his friend Peter Mandelson that Labour is “totally relaxed about people becoming filthy rich”. The rich and powerful, notably Rupert Murdoch, are Blair’s confidantes. And profit seekers are his beneficiaries.
The man who is an accomplished sycophant believes that Britain should “stand shoulder to shoulder” with George W Bush. What this has meant in practice is represented by unnumbered dead and shattered lives.
The nature of this alliance was also made evident in another unguarded moment. At a G8 summit in St Petersburg in the summer of 2006, Blair pleaded for Bush’s attention, not realising that the camera was running and the microphone was still on. “Yo, Blair!” said Bush. Blair stammered out his plea. Would Bush let him go out to the Middle East? No, said Bush, that’s for Condi. And, still trying for his master’s approval, Blair renewed his plea.
“Well... it’s only if, I mean... you know. If she’s got a.... or if she needs the ground prepared, as it were... Because obviously if she goes out, she’s got to succeed, as it were, whereas I can just talk...”
The eager man.

Reid resigns to backbenches

Former peacenik turned warmonger Dr John Reid MP has announced that he intends to leave the Cabinet when “Tony Blair goes” in June.
The Airdrie and Shotts MP jumped before he was pushed out of office by PM-in-waiting Gordon Brown.
Reid said he would not be challenging Brown after Blair resigns. “Now I’ve done nine jobs in ten years,” said Reid, “and from my point of view I think it’s a good thing to be able to go out to listen, to learn, to discuss, to get back to the grass roots.” It is not known if he has purchased the Celtic season ticket he speaks of.
Reid famously had a square go at a Commons attendant in the early ’90s, as the paralytic parliamentarian staggered into the chamber from the bar, throwing a drunken punch as he steamed through for a vote.
His ministerial career was almost over within its first year when, in 2000, The Observer alleged that taxpayers’ money was used to fund three full-time election campaigners (including his son Kevin, of ‘Lobbygate’ fame) - paid as part-time researchers by Reid and Glasgow MP John Maxton. But independent commissioner Elizabeth Filkin’s findings were rejected by the Labour-chaired Committee on Standards and Privileges. Filkin also condemned Reid for having contacted then Scottish Labour Party general secretary Alex Rowley and making “threats of a particularly disturbing kind”.
As defence secretary, Reid committed 3,700 extra British troops to the quagmire of southern Afghanistan with a stroke of his pen, to aid the USA’s empire-building efforts. “We hope,” said Reid last summer, “we will leave Afghanistan without firing a single shot.”
Nearly 50 British troops have died in Afghanistan since Reid uttered these empty words, the most recent being 22-year-old Grenadier Guardsman Simon Davison, shot dead at a checkpoint near Garmsir, Helmand Province on 3 May.
Dr Reid’s dream of succeeding Blair as PM may be over, but he did take over from Tony when he was crowned ‘Most Slippery Politician’ last month. A team led by Big Brother’s resident psychologist analysed every political TV interview by the UK’s ten highest-profile MPs over a three-week period.
Reid left 44 per cent of questions put to him unanswered, compared to 42 per cent for his master, Blair.

back to index

—page four—

What a load of rubbish!

by Roz Paterson

The UK is not just the sick man of Europe, but the dirty old one too.
We produce more rubbish per capita than any of our continental neighbours and it is predicted that our waste line will expand to twice its size by 2020.
Meanwhile, our landfill sites are filling up apace, and are due to run out of room within nine years.
In brief, we are fast approaching crisis point, and a solution to our rising rubbish mountain is desperately required.
In the UK, some 73 per cent of our waste winds up in landfill, where it is crushed down and, when it reaches capacity, covered up with soil and planted over.
Alas, the marring of vast tracts of countryside, the contamination of local groundwater and soil, through the leaching of toxic substances from refuse, not to mention the noise and smell and pest problem, is by no means the end of the matter.

Methane
Rotting rubbish releases methane into the atmosphere, where it contributes to global warming.
Indeed, such is the alarm over this, that the European Parliament has issued a directive demanding that we reduce the amount of waste we bury by 2020.
Of course, given our little land problem, we’ll have to do more than that!
In 2004, we produced 335 tonnes of waste, according to the Department for the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs.
Over half of that came from construction and demolition, mining and quarrying, and was what is called ‘inert’, meaning it doesn’t release gas, amongst other things.
Which is not to say that these industries are carbon neutral or any such thing, just that their waste, once dumped, tends to just lie there, without decomposing.
A further quarter is from other industries, with less than 10 per cent from households.
That said, domestic waste amounts to 30 million tonnes a year.
So what are our options?
Incineration is one solution, but hardly a good one.
Sure, burning rubbish can be used to generate electricity, but at a terrible cost.
For those who have to live near incinerators, we’re talking nauseating smells, endless noise, carcinogenic smoke and highly toxic airborne dioxins.
Not just that, but because incinerators need a minimum amount of rubbish to operate, they encourage waste as local authorities, in order to meet demand, scrap recycling and waste reduction schemes.

Loss
And even though they may produce energy, incinerators represent a net loss of energy when compared to recycling, as so much more energy is needed to produce the new goods and materials that just went up in smoke.
Other ideas include mechanical biological treatment (MBT), which involves the use of bugs which occur naturally to extract water from rubbish, thereby reducing its volume considerably.
Ceramics, glass and stone are then extracted for recycling, and the rest used to make cement.
It sounds good, but MBT is no cure-all, as so much refuse is unsuitable to this process, such as out-of-date paint.
Alternatively, we could up the amount we dispatch to China, from whence we purchase so many of the cheap manufactured goods we chuck out anyway.
China’s thirst for rubbish to reprocess appears to be insatiable, but if it sounds like a perfect circle, an example of globalisation made good, it isn’t.
Sifting through unprocessed rubbish is dangerous, nasty work and, generally speaking, it is the poorest people, on the most meagre of wages, who do it.
Furthermore, what sense does it make to spew yet more carbon into our already overheating atmosphere transporting used plastic milk cartons halfway round the world?
The only sustainable solution, of course, is to reduce and recycle.
We simply cannot continue to throw away at the rate we do now.
Not if we want to avoid wading through it every time we venture onto the streets.
An analysis of domestic waste shows that 25 per cent of it is paper products.
We can recycle, where facilities exist, most paper and cardboard and in so doing, save 15 trees and their surrounding habitat for every tonne we salvage.
We can also reduce the amount we use, for instance, by avoiding unnecessary packaging wherever possible, and by eliminating junk mail either by returning all those unsolicited offers to sender, or registering with the Mailing Preference Scheme to have our names removed from mailing lists
It is also worth buying recycled paper products wherever possible, as this creates demand, thereby making recycling paper a more profitable business.
Some 35 per cent of our waste is kitchen and garden refuse.
Things like vegetable peelings, tea, coffee and garden waste can be composted, but this is of little use to those without a garden and no community composting scheme to hand.
We can reduce our tally however by planning meals, checking the fridge and food cupboards before going shopping, and learning to use leftovers.
Recent research shows we throw up to one third of our food away uneaten, which not only makes for stinking rubbish, but needlessly wastes money and resources.

Toxic Smoke
Plastics, which are made from petrochemicals, account for a further 11 per cent of domestic waste, and either take centuries to degrade in landfill or produce toxic smoke when incinerated.
We can lighten the load through refusing plastic carrier bags, re-using the ones we have or investing in cloth or string bags instead, again by avoiding unnecessary packaging and choosing refillable containers wherever possible.
Nine per cent is comprised of metals, many of which - notably steel and aluminium - can easily and profitably be recycled, and facilities are becoming increasingly available.
Glass makes up another nine per cent, and again could so easily be recycled, saving 30 gallons of oil per tonne, and vast quantities of sand and limestone, meaning less quarrying, less energy use, less damage to the countryside and less pollution.
The final 11 per cent comprises clothes, toys, furniture...much of which can be re-used with a little effort and the help of such initiatives as Freeshare (formerly Freecycle).
Every hour, the UK produces enough rubbish to fill the Albert Hall.
Would you like that sitting stinking outside your door for years on end?
If we don’t find ways to waste away our waste, that’s exactly what we might have to do.

back to index

—page five—

 

back to index

—centre pages—

The day Scotland’s rainbow parliament turned grey

by Alan McCombes

By any standards this was a massacre for the left. The red-green presence in Holyrood, represented by the Scottish Socialist Party, the Greens and Solidarity was slashed from 15 to two.
Of the six-strong group of independents, only Margo MacDonald was left standing.
May 3rd 2007 was the day that Scotland’s rainbow parliament was turned a drab prison grey.
The wipe-out of the socialist left was made all the more bitter by the final electoral arithmetic of the new parliament.
Last Thursday marked the end of Labour’s monolithic stranglehold over Scottish politics at national and local level. The emergence of the SNP as the biggest party in Scotland by the narrowest possible margin will not lead to instant independence, the removal of nuclear weapons from the Clyde, or even the demise of the Council Tax.
But it is likely to open up a new, turbulent phase in Scottish politics, a time of strife, which could accelerate the ultimate break-up of the United Kingdom and pave the way for the resurgence of socialism.
After the horrendous internal strife within the left over the past year, and with the socialist movement bitterly divided, the SSP went into this election in a brutally realistic frame of mind. This was a damage limitation exercise. At best, the party hoped to maintain a fragile toehold in Holyrood in preparation for better days to come.
Yet no-one expected the sheer scale of the collapse of the socialist vote, down by 100,000 votes from 2003.
The final tally of votes appeared completely out of sync with the attitude of voters on the streets and at polling stations, which was open and receptive to the politics of the SSP.
The Greens too were stunned by the scale of their losses. On the morning after the election, shell-shocked Green MSPs admitted that they had been expecting to win nine seats.
Although Solidarity polled more votes than the SSP, the failure of Tommy Sheridan in Glasgow was the biggest shock result of the night, leaving Solidarity activists visibly traumatised.
At the start of the campaign, the bookmakers William Hill had offered odds of 100-1 on Sheridan being re-elected - the kind of odds that might be offered on rain falling in Glasgow sometime in the next six months
Every media and academic commentator predicted that Tommy Sheridan would retain his seat in Glasgow, while the SSP would be wiped out.
As the political pundit, Professor Bill Miller, admitted on Scottish Television the day after the election, “We all expected the SSP to lose all its seats, but none of us expected Tommy Sheridan to lose.”
Sheridan, the most famous celebrity politician in Scotland, even enjoyed the open sympathy of the mass circulation local newspaper in Glasgow, the Evening Times.
As well as forecasting his certain victory - and the defeat of the SSP - the paper even carried a sycophantic double page spread in the final week, headlined ‘The House of Sheridan’ - festooned with photographs of the Sheridan family.
This election has been a serious setback for socialism; it would be futile to pretend otherwise. It is also a tragedy for the thousands of people who had come to rely on Scottish Socialist MSPs to deal with their problems.
In Glasgow, for example, Rosie Kane and her caseworker met with queues of asylum seekers facing deportation. These cases are often a matter, literally, of life and death.
Other MSPs have tended to hide behind the coat-tails of Westminster, refusing to deal with asylum because it is a reserved issue. Sadly, one of these MSPs was Tommy Sheridan, who refused to dirty his hands with asylum casework after leaving the SSP to form Solidarity.
Within the parliament too, the SSP has provided a voice for workers in struggle, and for others who were too poor or marginalised to be of any interest to the big mainstream parties. Holyrood will be a poorer place without the Scottish Socialist group of MSPs.
There is no single explanation for the debacle of May 3rd. The incineration of the left was the product of a combination of inflammable ingredients
In the first place, all of the smaller parties and independents were mangled in a classic political squeeze, in which two parties were running neck and neck. In this election, the drama was heightened by the fact that one of the two parties stands for dissolution of the United Kingdom, thus polarising Scotland into two camps: pro and anti-union.
These two juggernauts had vast propaganda resources at their disposal. While the SSP was forced to fight this election on a shoestring budget of just £30,000, the SNP had a war chest of £1.5million - ploughed in by big business, including a £500,000 donation from the reactionary Stagecoach tycoon, Brian Souter.
Labour, meanwhile, was gifted literally millions of pounds of free advertising from Scotland’s mass circulation tabloid press, notably The Sun and the Daily Record.
Despite the party’s cosy rapprochement with elements of Scottish big business, many left wing voters - including it appears most of those who voted SSP in 2003 - swung behind the SNP in this election.
Alf Young of The Herald - one of Scotland’s most incisive and experienced pro-Labour analysts - pointed out the irony behind that shift:
“The far-left took out its anger over New Labour, Blair and Iraq by backing a party which, while sharing their goal of Scottish independence, has even less interest than Gordon Brown in bringing the pillars of modern capitalism crashing down.”
The small print of Alex Salmond’s economic policies were drowned out by the headline promises of an independence referendum, the removal of nuclear weapons, Scottish troops out of Iraq and more immediately, the scrapping of the Council Tax.
Labour, the LibDems and the Tories have all been tested in government in recent times, either at Westminster or Holyrood level, while the SNP is as yet untarnished by power.
As we go to press, the LibDems have spurned Alex Salmond’s advances to form a coalition. That means that the SNP are likely to form a minority government, possibly with the involvement of the two Green MSPs.
However, with the SNP up against the much larger bloc of unionist MSPs, it is unlikely that an independence referendum can be achieved before 2008.
The other key flagship policy of the SNP - replacing the Council Tax with a three pence rise in income tax - may also have to be shelved
The economics of the policy do not add up. It would leave a black hole in council budgets of half a billion pounds, forcing cuts elsewhere. Moreover, although a deal could possibly be reached with the Liberal Democrats over the scrapping of the Council Tax, the Greens have in the past voted against an income-based tax - which means that the policy could be scuppered by the narrowest of margins, even with LibDem support.
Paradoxically, a minority SNP government could potentially create a more favourable climate for a future surge towards independence. A stable SNP-led coalition would involve backdoor deals, horse-trading and shoddy compromises with the LibDems, allowing Labour the opportunity to recapture some ground.
In contrast, a minority SNP government could allow Salmond to portray the SNP as a party which is trying to introduce radical changes, but is being blocked and obstructed at every turn by the three unionist parties.
Either way, the sands of Scottish politics are shifting. The socialist left may have been marginalised for the time being, but that can change rapidly and dramatically in the future.
It is not much more than a year ago that the political obituaries were being written for the SNP after the Dunfermline West by-election - the SNP’s worst by-election performance since 1982.
A procession of political pundits pronounced the terminal decline of the SNP and the unstoppable march of the Liberal Democrats
As one commentator, Chris Deerin, expressed it in Scotland on Sunday: “Nichol Stephen is youngish, moderate and attractive. Salmond, in contrast, wears a sullen air. The perception that they have failed to develop as an alternative government, makes him, and them, an unattractive prospect. The LibDems are succeeding where the SNP have repeatedly failed. The SNP cannot turn second place into first.”
Even within the SSP at the time, some members (who later left to join Solidarity) drew the conclusion that the SNP was finished, the LibDems were now the main opposition force in Scotland, and the idea of independence was all but dead and buried.
Fifteen months later, and the SNP are now Scotland’s biggest party and about to form a government.
As sure as the sun rises in the morning, the socialist left will be back with a vengeance in the future. And whatever the arithmetical breakdown last Thursday, the only socialist party with the capacity of coming back from this defeat is the Scottish Socialist Party.
The SSP fought this election with dignity and restraint. We also fought a highly political campaign, with a 450-point manifesto, including the boldest and most radical policy of any party in this election - free public transport.
In contrast, Solidarity exposed itself as an embittered personality cult around Tommy Sheridan.
The 16-point manifesto of the breakaway party, along with its other election material, prominently featured photographs of Sheridan, his wife and his two-year-old daughter. His name appeared on every ballot paper, including even for the local council elections.
A large part of the Solidarity vote was an expression of sympathy for Tommy Sheridan based on confusion and misunderstanding of the facts that led to the split in the socialist movement, rather than a conscious socialist vote.
Tommy Sheridan himself, in his manifesto, on TV, and at public meetings repeatedly accused the SSP of lies, dishonesty and backstabbing.
That is the prospectus upon which Solidarity was created: that Tommy Sheridan was the victim of a plot to remove him as party convenor; that the SSP leadership manufactured allegations about Sheridan’s personal life to justify his removal; that the party leadership forged documents to back up these allegations; that members of the SSP conspired to pervert the course of justice and in order to destroy Sheridan.
The entire Solidarity edifice has been built upon this fairytale, and will come crashing to the ground as the lies unravel and the truth emerges.
In the meantime, for wide sections of the public, including for many ex-SSP supporters, there is no smoke without fire. The allegations against the SSP have not yet been disproved. At the very least, people are inclined to lay the blame equally on both sides.
The events of the last two years have been complex and labyrinthine. But the stark facts are these.
Like Jeffrey Archer and Jonathan Aitken, two top Tory politicians who served lengthy jail sentences for their actions, Tommy Sheridan took out a libel action based on a fraud: at least some of the material published in the trashy tabloid News of the World was substantially true.
The SSP did everything it could to dissuade Sheridan from this insanely reckless legal case. We predicted that this grotesquely selfish and deceitful course of action could lead to the destruction of everything that had been built over decades by hundreds and thousands of socialist activists.
But Sheridan carried on regardless. He dragged scores of people into a legal toxic waste dump against their will. These included innocent people who had been in the wrong place at the wrong time, and have since had their lives destroyed to protect Sheridan’s right to hypocrisy.
The SSP was also dragged into the Court of Session. Our response was to defy the courts and face down a jail sentence.
In the weeks that the SSP was under siege, dragged through the courts, having its offices raided, Sheridan effectively went into hiding, failing to turn up to any of the meetings to decide tactics.
The rest of the SSP stood valiantly against the courts.
Finally, Sheridan emerged to argue that the SSP should now buckle under and surrender the party’s internal documents to the News of the World and the courts. His capitulation was backed by those who went on to found Solidarity. So far, so dishonourable.
But worse was to come. In an abysmal display of cowardice, Sheridan told the courts and the media that the documents had been forged by the SSP as part of a plot to fit him up.
To salvage his fake reputation, he denounced the SSP leadership as liars, perjurers, forgers and conspirators, before walking out to split the left and wreck the socialist unity project, built up over a decade and more.
The mainstream press, cowed by the courts and the threat of libel action - and perhaps also by the fear of jeopardising an ongoing police investigation into perjury and conspiracy to pervert the course of justice - have never been prepared to bring out these facts.
As a result, the SSP was fighting this election under a cloud of suspicion. To pretend otherwise would be to run away from reality.
However, two or three years down the road, the events of the past year will have begun to fade into the mists of history. With the removal of Tommy Sheridan from Holyrood, the Solidarity bubble will burst.
That will be a massive step forward for the left, allowing Scottish socialism to be rebuilt under the clean banner of the Scottish Socialist Party.

Spoiling tactics turned confusion into a fiasco

“It’s not who votes that counts, it’s who counts the votes” said Josef Stalin.
The New Labour establishment could have taught the commissars of the old Soviet Union a thing or two about manipulating elections.
If 100,000 votes had been disqualified in Venezuela, politicians and newspaper editors would be calling for the tanks to be sent in to restore democracy.
In Scotland, it looks like the response to this mass disenfranchisement of a vast swathe of the electorate will be a whitewash, with the Electoral Commission asked to investigate the Electoral Commission.
Alex Salmond, the SNP leader, has called for a full judicial inquiry - a call that has been rejected by the man responsible for the debacle, the Scottish Secretary, Douglas Alexander.
In Glasgow, lawyer Mike Dailly has begun legal proceedings.
The SSP should support both of these moves. This democratic abomination was not the result of incompetence by the Scotland Office.
It was a product of a deliberate, cynical manoeuvre by New Labour politicians to confuse the public and marginalise the smaller parties.
Since 1999, Labour has consciously undermined local democracy by refusing to separate the council elections from the Holyrood elections. In this election, when council elections were conducted for the first time under PR, the case for a change was overwhelming.
But it was never put before the Scottish Parliament. A Tory MSP had begun to initiate a private members bill, but, after what appeared to be backdoor wheeling and dealing, dropped the proposal.

Subversion
Even worse was the decision to swap the order of the Holyrood ballot papers and to include the constituency and regional votes on a single form for the first time.
This was a deliberate subversion of democracy, designed to protect the big parties and undermine the diversity of Holyrood.
The SNP went along with this ploy, hoping that they too would benefit from the confusion. They opportunistically attempted to manipulate the new arrangements by renaming their party “Alex Salmond for First Minister - SNP”, reinforcing the confusion that already existed.
The SSP can report numerous examples of voters - including even party members - marking their X against Alex Salmond then scrolling down the regional list to vote SSP. All of these votes would have been discounted.
Ironically, the SNP’s tactic has almost certainly backfired on the party. Their cunning plan was that voters would back Alex Salmond on the left side of the paper, then be forced to vote again for the SNP on the right side of the ballot paper when they realised that the smaller parties were not listed on that side.
What the SNP failed to anticipate was that a large proportion of voters would mark both their crosses on the left side of the ballot paper.
Because the regional and constituency ballot papers were not physically separate, tens of thousands of people appear to have believed that it didn’t matter which side they marked their two crosses.
This would not only distort downwards the vote for the smaller parties; it would also negate many thousands of constituency votes, particularly for the SNP.
Without a full analysis of every paper, it is impossible to say how the results were affected by confusion.

Fiction
However it is wishful thinking for Tommy Sheridan to claim he was robbed of a seat in Glasgow. The claim that with just a few hundred more votes, Solidarity would have won a seat in Glasgow is pure fiction.
Out of around 10,000 disqualified regional votes in Glasgow, Sheridan would have required 2,200 to beat the Greens and 2,600 extra votes to beat the SNP - and even that would be based on the far-fetched assumption that neither of these parties had any disqualified votes!
In Glasgow as elsewhere, it is likely that the vote for the SSP, the Greens, Solidarity and a range of other small parties would have been significantly higher, but nowhere near enough to affect the outcome.
Nonetheless, this distortion of democracy blatantly discriminates against the most deprived voters in the poorest constituencies who are already disproportionately excluded from electoral politics.
The constituency with the highest number of disqualified papers, Glasgow Shettleston, was also the constituency with the lowest turnout in Scotland - just 33 per cent.
And by the way, just in case you didn’t know - Shettleston also tops the UK league table for poverty and deprivation.

back to index

—page eight—

Diary of a Dundee activist

by Rod MacGregor, Dundee SSP

Friday 27 April

Free School Meals stall at Stobswell junction at dinner-time. We give away free fruit to the kids from Morgan Academy, who seem to enjoy it with their chips and burgers.
Special poster drafted in from Edinburgh for the occasion.
Evening spent leafleting in Whitfield.

Saturday 28 April

Last Saturday before the election. Three stalls planned. Morning in Fintry and Lochee. Then into town at 12.30. Good turnout.
At home there’s a message from Mary McGregor, informing me that the special poster from yesterday’s Stobswell stall has gone missing. I never saw the thing, but I check my car boot anyway.
It’s not there.
Various phone calls follow, resulting in me going up and down three flights of stairs three times to check my car boot.
Nothing there.
Where is the poster?

Sunday 29 April 

Mary phones mid-morning to report that SSP HQ is going ballistic over the loss of the poster as it is needed for a press launch on Monday.
Could this cost us the election?
Suspicions mount that some kids may have nicked it.
In an act of futile desperation I end up going back to Stobswell to see if it has been dumped in the area. Look in gardens on Pitkerro Road and Forfar Road, look in Baxter Park, even rake through the recycling bins at Morgan Academy, but no joy.
Phone Mary back - turns out they’re getting another one printed.
Two-hour stall at Boots corner in the afternoon. Some eastern European guys take a fancy to Mary. Don’t know if she’ll be a hit at the polls, but she’s certainly a hit with the Poles.
Back home I notice in the Herald sports section that all parties have answered a questionnaire that was sent to them. All, that is, except the SSP who, the paper informs me, did not reply.
Hope there’s as big a rumpus about that as there was about the missing poster.

Monday 30 April  

Menzieshill stall going well until I coin a new slogan - ‘Crap the Council Tax!’ - much to the amusement of my comrades.
Menzieshill leafleting next.
Have just finished first block of flats, when Angela runs towards me. Tells me Nick H has been bitten by a dog.
She got phone call from him saying, “Help, my finger’s stuck in a dog.”
To which she replied, “Don’t you mean a door?”
To which he retorted, “No, I mean a dog.”
Next stop, A&E at Ninewells.
While waiting with Angela for Nick H, Fern Britton and Philip Schofield, somewhat bizarrely, are discussing sex toys for dogs on the television in the waiting area. A sense of the surreal envelops me.

Tuesday 1 May  

Having finished work at 1.30am, and made it to bed at 3am, I’m happy to let Alan Boylan and Angela go with Fiz round the PCS picket lines, a 6.30am start.
Alan phones from a picket line at the technology park to tell me strikers are singing and dancing.
Wish I’d got up now!
Arbroath beckons for me, Grant, Fiz and Angela, while further leafleting gets underway in Menzieshill.
Good stall in Arbroath, followed by a visit to the Round O chip shop.
Gazing down at the calm North Sea, fish supper tastes wonderful. Tastes even better when I smugly think of the comrades back home sweating their arses off delivering leaflets in Menzieshill.
A bunch of comrades attend the Courier hustings in the Apex Hotel.
A member of some fundamentalist Christian party launches into anti-gay rant, causing young Nick H to inquire, “Why is the panel pandering to this homophobic nutjob?”
Another wonderful quote from young Nick.

Wednesday 2 May

Sadly, the staid old Courier somehow managed to edit out young Nick’s intervention, leaving only the usual yawn-inducing rhetoric.
Leafleting 18 multis in Dundee, with stalls afoot in Lochee and town centre.
Can’t make meeting tonight as working, but hastily scribble minutes of previous one on back of a fag packet and hand them to Mary McG. Job done.

Thursday 3 May into Friday 4 May

Now’s the day. Put out some boards at polling stations, grab quick bite to eat, and then it’s stalls in Douglas, Lochee and Town Centre, while various comrades attend polling stations.
Leave early to get some rest as I’m driving to Aberdeen with Fiz and Mary for the count that night.
At 10.30pm, set off with hope in our hearts.
Soon after arrival, it becomes obvious that we are getting humped and worst fears are confirmed as we lose all MSPs.
Leave the count early.
Arrive home 3.45am and doze fitfully on settee watching the disaster unfold.
Can’t help but wonder if losing that poster in Stobswell cost us the election after all.

Parliamentarians for the people!

The SSP is first and foremost a grassroots party, built from the ground up, and rooted in workplaces and communities.
Having a six-strong parliamentary presence - reduced to four-strong, following the Sheridan-led split - was a huge boost, of course, a fantastic achievement for such a young and radical party, and testament to the fact that the ideas of socialism have a huge constituency in the modern world.
We achieved a great deal in parliament, and our hard-working MSPs, who put themselves in the firing line every time, speaking up for socialism in the epicentre of cynicism and career politics, are to be congratulated and given our heartfelt thanks.
The SSP presented bills calling for the Abolition of the Council Tax, to Scrap Prescription Charges, and for the introduction of free, nutritious school meals for every state school child in Scotland.
All three bills were torpedoed by cynical alliances between the mainstream parties, but nonetheless, the very fact that they went out to consultation, and generated a massive, favourable response from a whole range of expert bodies, campaigning groups and individuals, precipitated real, positive change for ordinary people in Scotland.
Without the free school meals campaign, which has been running since 2002, there would not have been such a groundswell of support for the principle of free, quality provision. And without that, there would not have been free breakfasts and lunches being rolled out by councils around the country.
The call to scrap prescription charges forced the hand of the Labour/LibDem coalition, who felt compelled to offer a review and extension of provision. It isn’t nearly what we wanted, but some people may end up feeling real benefits, and many more have been alerted to the scandal of our current, piecemeal system of charging for essential medicines.
The Axe the Tax campaign was so popular, it has now been taken up by both the SNP and the LibDems, who have been simply falling over themselves lately to voice their opposition to this unfair tax.
If the incoming Scottish government does see off the son of the Poll Tax, we should give ourselves a big hand, because we had a big hand in it.
Our parliamentary staff and MSPs also ensured that the striking nursery nurses of 2004 had their case heard, and were welcomed in person, within the parliament supposedly created to represent them. That the Scottish people’s vehement opposition to the Iraq war was made vocal. That our right to protest at the G8 summit was assured.
And that the ruling coalition’s bland, unquestioning support for neo-liberalism and imperialism was questioned, protested against, held up to the light.
Our MSPs shone a light into the dark workings of Scottish ‘democracy’, for those of us on the outside to see by. Furthermore, in their intelligence, experience and wit, they proved more than a match for the seasoned political hacks reading from prepared notes.
Just as outgoing SSP councillor Keith Baldassara shone a light into Glasgow City Chambers, and outshone them all.
Through surgeries, Keith, Carolyn, Rosie, Frances and Colin, and their tireless caseworkers, strived to serve the people and make their lives better.
Losing our parliamentary presence, painful though it is, is not the end of the SSP. Losing our activists and principles would be, but on that score, we are gaining ground all the time.
And we have hit the ground running since last week.
Says Colin:
“The SSP has been around for ten years now, and with or without parliamentary representation, we have taken the initiative on issues like redistribution of wealth, public ownership, free school meals and abolishing the Council Tax, and we will continue to do so.
“As agreed at the EC on Sunday, we are going to draw together the disparate forces, including the SNP and LibDems, and representing the majority of the population of Scotland, calling for a local income tax to replace the Council Tax.
“We also intend to campaign for free public transport, involving environmental groups amongst others.
“Our ideas are popular and they will make a real difference, and we will continue to lead where others follow.”

back to index

—page nine—

cultural resistance

The war on democracy

by Pablo Navarrete

John Pilger is an award-winning journalist, author and documentary filmmaker, who began his career in 1958 in his homeland, Australia, before moving to London in the 1960s.
He has been a foreign correspondent and a front-line war reporter, beginning with the Vietnam War in 1967. He is an impassioned critic of foreign military and economic adventures by Western governments.
“It is too easy”, Pilger says, “for Western journalists to see humanity in terms of its usefulness to ‘our’ interests and to follow government agendas that ordain good and bad tyrants, worthy and unworthy victims and present ‘our’ policies as always benign when the opposite is usually true.
“It’s the journalist’s job, first of all, to look in the mirror of his own society.”
Pilger also believes a journalist ought to be a guardian of the public memory and often quotes Milan Kundera: “The struggle of people against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.” In a career that has produced more than 55 television documentaries, Pilger’s first major film for the cinema, The War on Democracy, will be previewed in London on 11 May. Pilger spent several weeks filming in Venezuela and The War on Democracy contains an exclusive interview with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.
Could you begin by telling us what your new film The War on Democracy is about?
I happened to watch George Bush’s second inauguration address in which he pledged to “bring democracy to the world”. He mentioned the words “democracy” and “liberty” 21 times.
It was a very important speech because, unlike the purple prose of previous presidents (Ronald Reagan excluded), he left no doubt that he was stripping noble concepts like “democracy” and “liberty” of their true meaning - government, for, by and of the people.
I wanted to make a film that illuminated this disguised truth - that the United States has long waged a war on democracy behind a facade of propaganda designed to contort the intellect and morality of Americans and the rest of us. For many of your readers, this is known.
However, for others in the West, the propaganda that has masked Washington’s ambitions has been entrenched, with its roots in the incessant celebration of World War II, the “good war”, then “victory” in the Cold War. For these people, the “goodness” of US power represents “us”.
Thanks to Bush and his cabal, and to Blair, the scales have fallen from millions of eyes. I would like The War on Democracy to contribute something to this awakening.
The film is about the power of empire and of people. It was shot in Venezuela, Bolivia, Chile and the United States, and is set also in Guatemala and Nicaragua.
It tells the story of “America’s backyard”, the dismissive term given to all of Latin America. It traces the struggle of indigenous people - first against the Spanish, then against European immigrants who reinforced the old elite.
Our filming was concentrated in the barrios where the continent’s “invisible people” live in hillside shanties that defy gravity.
It tells, above all, a very positive story: that of the rise of popular social movements that have brought to power governments promising to stand up to those who control national wealth and to the imperial master.
Venezuela has taken the lead, and a highlight of the film is a rare face-to-face interview with President Hugo Chavez whose own developing political consciousness, and sense of history (and good humour), are evident.
The film investigates the 2002 coup d’etat against Chavez and casts it in a contemporary context. It also describes the differences between Venezuela and Cuba, and the shift in economic and political power since Chavez was first elected.
In Bolivia, the recent, tumultuous past is told through quite remarkable testimony from ordinary people, including those who fought against the piracy of their resources. In Chile, the film looks behind the mask of this apparently modern, prosperous “model” democracy and finds powerful, active ghosts.
In the United States, the testimony of those who ran the “backyard” echo those who run that other backyard, Iraq; sometimes they are the same people. Chris Martin (my fellow director) and I believe The War on Democracy is well timed.
We hope people will see it as another way of seeing the world: as a metaphor for understanding a wider war on democracy and the universal struggle of ordinary people, from Venezuela to Vietnam, Palestine to Guatemala.
As you say, Latin America has often been described as the US’s backyard. How important is Latin America for the US in the global context?
Latin America’s strategic importance is often dismissed. That’s because it is so important. Read Greg Grandin’s recent, excellent history (I interview him in the film) in which he makes the case that Latin America has been Washington’s “workshop” for developing and honing and rewarding its imperial impulses elsewhere.
For example, when the US “retreated” from South-East Asia, where did its “democracy builders” go to reclaim their “vision”? Latin America.
The result was the murderous assaults on Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, and the darkness of “Operation Condor” in the southern cone.
This was Ronald Reagan’s “war on terror”, which of course was a war of terror that provided basic training for those now running the Bush/Cheney “long war” in the Middle East and elsewhere.
Noam Chomsky recently said that after five centuries of European conquests, Latin America was reasserting its independence. Do you agree with this?
Yes, I agree. It’s humbling for someone coming from prosperous Europe to witness the poorest taking charge of their lives, with people rarely asking, as we in the West often ask, “What can I do?” They know what to do.
In Cochabamba, Bolivia, the population barricaded their city until they began to take control of their water. In El Alto, perhaps the poorest city on the continent, people stood against a repressive regime until it fell. This is not to suggest that complete independence has been won.
Venezuela’s economy, for example, is still very much a “neoliberal” economy that continues to reward those with capital.
The changes made under Chavez are extraordinary - in grassroots democracy, health care, education and the sheer uplifting of people’s lives - but true equity and social justice and freedom from corruption remain distant goals.
Venezuela’s well-off complain endlessly that their economic power has been diminished; it hasn’t; economic growth has never been higher, business has never been better. What the rich no longer own is the government. And when the majority own the economy, true independence will be in sight. That’s true everywhere.
US deputy secretary of state John Negroponte, recently called Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez “a threat to democracy” in Latin America. What are you views on this?
This is Orwellian, like “war is peace”. Negroponte, whose record of overseeing Washington’s terrorism in Central America is infamous, is right about Hugo Chavez in one respect. Chavez is a “threat” - he’s the threat of an example to others that independence from Washington is actually possible.
President Chavez talks about building “socialism of the 21st century” in Venezuela. To what extent do you think this project is different to the socialist experiences in the 20th century?
In the time I spent with Chavez, what struck me was how un-self-consciously he demonstrated his own developing political awareness. I was intrigued to watch a man who is as much an educator as a leader.
He will arrive at a school or a water project where local people are gathered and under his arm will be half a dozen books - Orwell, Chomsky, Dickens, Victor Hugo.
He’ll proceed to quote from them and relate them to the condition of his audience. What he’s clearly doing is building ordinary people’s confidence in themselves. At the same time, he’s building his own political confidence and his understanding of the exercise of power.
I doubt that he began as a socialist when he won power in 1998 - which makes his political journey all the more interesting. Clearly, he was always a reformer who paid respect to his impoverished roots.
Certainly, the Venezuelan economy today is not socialist; perhaps it’s on the way to becoming something like the social economy of Britain under the reforming Attlee Labour government. He is probably what Europeans used to be proud to call themselves: a social democrat.
Look, this game of labels is pretty pointless; he is an original and he inspires; so let’s see where the Bolivarian project goes. True power for enduring change can only be sustained at the grassroots, and Chavez’s strength is that he has inspired ordinary people to believe in alternatives to the old venal order.
We have nothing like this spirit in Britain, where more and more people can’t be bothered to vote any more. It’s a lesson of hope, at the very least.

n ‘The War on Democracy’ will be released in cinemas on 15 June. For more information see johnpilger.com or warondemocracy.net

Article reprinted from www.venezuelanalysis.com
ITV will screen ‘The War on Democracy’ after its cinema debut

back to index

—page ten—

international news

Sarkozy victory sparks a flame of resistance across France

The French election, like the Scottish election, was finally just a slugging-out between two behemoths, one on the soft left, the other on the hard right.
Segolene Royal, the Socialist Party candidate, would not have lifted the people of the scandalously slum-like housing schemes out of poverty, or opened France’s borders to immigrants from former colonies, but she was at least a less bad option than the final winner, Nicolas Sarkozy.
The announcement of his victory in the final Presidential run-off, like so many of the statements that emanate from his own mouth, was incendiary, sparking riots across the nation that raged through Sunday and Monday nights.
And while cars burned and people were arrested in their hundreds, where was Sarkozy? Why, on his yacht in the Mediterranean, of course.
Just as he has never shown his face again in the schemes where he branded restless youth ‘scum’, so again was the former Minister of the Interior keeping well out the firing line, having lobbed in the live grenade of promises to weaken the welfare state and tighten immigration laws.
For his first 100 days, the man who attracted angry mobs throughout his tour of former African colonies has gone for the populist, right-wing jugular, promising tax breaks for overtime to encourage long hours, tougher sentences for repeat offenders, and legislation to make it increasingly difficult for immigrants to bring their families over to France.
But he is likely to encounter enormous opposition as French workers are not predisposed to giving up their rights without a fight.
Indeed, Sarkozy’s supremacy is by no means a done deal, in that he may have won the Presidency but his party, the UMP, is still a long way from winning parliament.
Elections for this latter are due to be held on 10 and 17 June.
If UMP fail to win, Sarkozy’s neo-liberal reforms will be stopped in their tracks.
But if they do win, France is headed for dark times indeed, as Sarkozy seeks to bring it into line with the low-wage economies of the UK and America, where people’s rights are ditched in the headlong pursuit of economic growth, a supposed benefit that only enriches the few and leaves everyone else hanging on for dear life.

Protests held for Socialist leader arrested in Pakistan

Protests were held in Lahore and Karachi, Pakistan, on Saturday over the arrest and detention of Farooq Tariq, the general secretary of the Labour Party Pakistan (LPP).
Farooq was released after being held for several days, following his leading role in a campaign for the restoration of the chief justice of Pakistan’s High Court, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. It had been feared that he could be held for up to a month.
Chaudry’s removal from office is widely seen as an attack by General Musharraf’s military regime on judicial independence.
According to the LPP, Farooq had been under police surveillance for a couple of weeks, and had been summoned twice to a police station where he was instructed to stop his ‘anti-government activities’, but had refused.
He was arrested at his office on Friday afternoon, the day before a public reception in support of Chaudhry, organised by the LPP.
The reception went ahead as planned with Farooq’s support, while civil society organisations, political parties and trade unions joined together to condemn the arrest.
Those participating in the weekend’s demonstrations also pledged to continue their struggle for democracy and judicial independence.

back to index

—page eleven—

international news

LA Cops shoot Mayday protestors

Tens of thousands gathered in Los Angeles on 1 May to march on Mayday to demand rights for immigrants in the US.
The march had been noisy and colourful as it made its way through the streets to a rally and concert at the city’s MacArthur Park.
The day had been a peaceful family day, until the Los Angeles Police Department attacked.
The trouble started when police motorcycles deliberately drove through a dance performance of Indigenous Aztec Dancers forcing those watching, including children, to flee.
The police then entered the park telling people to disperse.
They began firing plastic bullets and tear gas into the crowd while indiscriminately beating anyone they could.
Amongst those beaten were members of the media, whose footage was shown across America exposing the police’s brutality.
The footage showed the police clearly push and hit those trying to leave the park, including a TV camerawoman.
One eyewitness to the violence was Ernesto Arce, of the Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER) Coalition and a local radio talk show host.
Arce, who was hit in the leg with a rubber-coated bullet during the attack, described the police behaviour:
“Without warning, cops descended into a park full of families, homeless and handicapped individuals and street cart vendors. They were merciless.
“For the next 30 minutes, hundreds of activists and bystanders were shot, beaten by night sticks and run out of the park. The police had no intention of entertaining requests from people who were not able to move quickly enough.
They were forcefully hit on the legs until they were immobile.
“The cops didn’t only move people out of the perimeters of the park, they chased through the park firing at anyone who might have been an obstacle. I witnessed many people who were shot at from the back. Children and entire families were being violently pushed or beaten. An elderly woman cried out for help but few were willing to run back in the face of fast-approaching SWAT police.”
The police actions on the day have been attacked from many different quarters, leading to calls for an enquiry into the events on Mayday.
Already, the highest-ranking officer at the scene of the rally has been demoted and placed on house leave pending the outcome of an internal inquiry.
His second-in-charge, has also been demoted and about 60 riot cops who were involved in the brutal attacks on the demonstrators have been reassigned to other parts of the city.

Six dead as US attacks primary school

US forces have been accused of killing six children in a primary school in Iraq.
An attack by a US helicopter, that claimed to be targeting suspected insurgents, opened fire on the children at a school in the village of al-Nedan in Diyala province north-east of Baghdad, near the Iranian border.
Iraqi police officers have said eye-witnesses saw the helicopter open fire killing the six children and injuring six more.
Children in Iraq face death each day of their young lives, as the indiscriminate violence and bloodshed, that is the fall-out of Britain and America’s illegal war in the country, goes unchecked.
Reports on fatalities due to the conflict say anything up to 46 per cent of those killed by the invading armies are under the age of 15.

Support Kurdish Trade Unionists

Workers in Kurdistan are seeking international support for their right to organise in independent trade unions, through an online petition launched on 1 May aimed at putting pressure on the current regime.
Workers’ rights to organise and take strike action in Iraq were abolished under Sadaam Hussein’s Ba’athist regime - and these fundamental human rights have not been recognised by the current regime in Baghdad, propped up by the occupation.
Aside from the everyday danger of surviving in war-torn Iraq, the basic infrastructure has been destroyed. Everything, from food and water to electricity, is in short supply. Unemployment has rocketed and wages have collapsed.
But workers in Kurdistan are facing down the dangers and want to organise - and they demand that this most basic of human, democratic rights is given recognition. Workers from various sectors across Kurdistan, from barbers to metal workers to teachers, have formed a May Day Committee and are calling for the freedom of association, the ability to strike and to protest to be recognised by the government as an unconditional right of workers.
They’re also calling for the rooting out of corruption, recognition of a modern labour law according to international labour standards, the provision of unemployment and other social benefits, and wages to rise in line with inflation.
Urgent action on the nightmare conditions facing workers and their families - homelessness and the lack of basic services such as water and electricity - is another demand, as is the recognition of the rights of migrant workers as equal to Kurdish workers.
n To sign the petition, visit http://www.petitiononline.com/workers/petition.html

 back to index

—page twelve—

London marches for new workers

Over 8,000 people marched in London on 7 May in support of illegal migrant workers in Britain.
The demonstration was called by the group Strangers into Citizens, calling for an amnesty for those who have been in the country for four years to be granted a two year work permit by the UK government.
On the march were people from every corner of the globe.
The campaign was backed by trade unions and church groups.
Cardinal Murphy-O’Connor, speaking at a rally in Trafalgar square after the demo, said: “We know that there are up to half a million immigrants who are undocumented, and some way should be found for these people who work in our country and contribute to our economy so that their rights are respected.”
Jack Dromey, a senior official with the Transport and General Workers Union also told the rally:
“What the public wants is a fair and lasting solution to irregular working. It is simply not possible to hunt down and deport the hundreds of thousands of people who, for a variety of reasons, find themselves without status in this country.
“Instead of blaming migrant workers for every workplace and social misfortune, we need to tackle the real causes of exploitation. We have an immigration system that forces desperate people into the hands of the rogues, a rights framework that views agency workers as second class, and an enforcement system that allows crooks to flourish while ensuring the mistreated stay silent.
“The contribution of migrants to our country today and over the centuries is clear and to be celebrated. But without fresh thinking by government on rights and regularisation, migrant workers in this country will become more deeply marginalised.
“We urge ministers to take their lead from this march and not the immigration fear-mongers - work with this powerful coalition uniting behind regularisation. Together we can help those without status step out of the shadows and benefit all this country’s workers in so doing.”
Strangers into Citizens have said that the 7 May event is just the first in a concerted campaign to gain employment rights for those who have come to work in Britain.


back to index