Scottish Socialist Voice
Issue 309
5th July 2007

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—front page—

UNITED
Against war and terrorism
for peace and justice

The events of 30 June have sent shock waves through the whole of Scotland.
The terrorist attack that took place at Glasgow Airport, although unsuccessful, was an attempt to bring murder and mayhem to the streets of Scotland.
The intent of the drivers of the vehicle that ploughed into the doors of the airport was the incineration of innocent men, women and children, who were heading off on holiday or just going about their working day.
The Scottish Socialist Party totally abhors this and any other act of terrorism which aims to divide Scotland’s communities.
We condemn any attempt to separate us on lines of race or religion.
Acts of terrorism like that at Glasgow Airport do not discriminate between black or white, rich or poor, young or old. All are made the innocent victims of its murderous outcome.
In the wake of the attempted attack, we must not allow Scotland’s Muslim community to be scapegoated.
The Muslim community of Scotland are justifiably angry at the atrocity, which has the potential to play into the hands of the racist far-right, damage community relations and heighten fears in the Muslim and wider communities.
For the first time in generations Scotland has been the target of terrorism, and there is one major reason - Blair and Brown’s supporting role in George Bush’s murderous ‘War on Terror’.
When they first blasted their way into Afghanistan, six years ago, they claimed it was to stop
al Qaeda - instead they gave that organisation fuel for its deadly mission. Now something we are told is al Qaeda-linked has smashed a 4x4 into Glasgow Airport.
From the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi and Afghan civilians, to young men from Fife meeting a premature and futile end in Basra, families around the world are in mourning as a result of their warmongering.
In opposition, the SNP were vocal in their opposition to the war and their desire to bring the troops home. The SSP calls on Scotland’s politicians from all parties, whether they supported the war in Iraq or not, to end this mess and to end it now.
An independent Scotland would not have been dragged into an illegal war against the wishes of a majority of the people; the decision to bring the troops home is ours, not Mr Brown’s.
We call for the whole of Scotland to rally to the anti-war cause and to resist attempts to divide from our common goal of peace throughout the world.

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—page two—

Army offers holidays to tempt new recruits

by Ken Ferguson

“Summer Challenge 2007 will provide a unique opportunity for young men and women between the ages of 17 and 43 years of age, to experience challenge, adventure, outdoor pursuits and personal development - and get paid! In addition, participants will learn a host of skills, all of which will be useful in later life and they will certainly add value to any CV in future.”
The paragraph above is the opening sales pitch for what the British Army portrays as seven weeks of healthy, outdoor, paid fun based in the Rothiemurchus Estate at Aviemore alongside military training in Inverness.
Two hundred and fifty people between 17 and 43 will, the army promises, “get to understand the host of career and personal development opportunities available in the TA.”
Although military training is mentioned and a picture of a rifleman does appear in the blurb, the stress is on rock climbing, yachting and other character building events.
The hard sell promises:
“At the end of the seven weeks, participants will have learned shooting, abseiling, map reading, the basics of first aid and had some off-road driving instruction, be fitter and will have had lots of fun.
“During this period, all participants will have their subsistence and travel provided free of charge and be paid £1,517 for the seven weeks in fortnightly instalments.”
Absent from this Club 17/43 brochure is mention of roadside bombs, snipers, inadequate equipment or the fact that the purpose of the cynical affair is the recruitment of fresh cannon fodder.
Voice readers are well aware of the imperialist wars in Iraq and Afghanistan which is the ultimate destination for an increasing number of so called ‘weekend’ TA soldiers.
But if you think that’s bad, perhaps you should take a peek at what the top thinkers in the Ministry of Defence’s Whitehall bunker say lies ahead.
Earlier this year in a chilling document entitled Global Strategic Trends 2007-2036 the Orwellianly named Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre of the MoD sketched out the future.
The military gurus highlighted a wide array of potential dangers over the next 30 years.
Organising their thoughts, they spotlight three “Ring Road Issues”:
1. Climate change, 2. Globalisation, and 3. Global inequality.
Whatever climate change sceptics may think, the military planners see global warming and the possibility of abrupt climate change, together with the end of “the golden age of cheap energy”, as placing increasing strains on populations throughout the planet.
Globalisation of the world economy, bringing “particularly ruthless laws of supply and demand”, is viewed as creating new interdependencies, contradictions, and conflicts.
However most startling is the view taken on expanding global inequality which, say the report’s authors, could lead to “a resurgence of not only anti-capitalist ideologies... but also to populism and the revival of Marxism”.
The report says:
“The globalisation of labour markets and reducing levels of national welfare provision and employment could reduce peoples’ attachment to particular states.
“The growing gap between themselves and a small number of highly visible super-rich individuals might fuel disillusion with meritocracy, while the growing urban under-classes are likely to pose an increasing threat to social order and stability, as the burden of acquired debt and the failure of pension provision begins to bite.”
It will therefore be necessary, the report indicates, to guard not only against enemies from without, including third world insurgencies, but also against enemies within.
Given its source this is a remarkable analysis which shows that, as the cosseted commentators in the Metropolitan think tanks and opinion pages of the ‘heavy’ papers pen another obituary to Marxist and socialist ideas, their armed wing plans to take it them on.

Reid to net Parkhead deal?

Questions raised by Celtic boss’ business interests

Lanarkshire hard man and ex-Home Secretary John Reid has demonstrated some nimble footwork since handing in the keys of the ministerial limo.
The Airdrie sage, who resigned in sympathy with his boss Blair, is set to move seamlessly from high office in London to chair the board of Celtic FC.
Even by Reid’s legendary slippery standards this is a piece of absolutely classic spin, boosting the old warmonger’s cleverly crafted ‘man of the people’ image at a stroke.
The audacity of the manoeuvre is breathtaking given that Reid has built his career in high office as a dyed in the wool Union Jack waving defence and police minister.
He also specialised in “enforcing” the pro-war, pro-British agenda on reluctant journalists with his belligerent presentation and aggressive sound bites across TV and radio.
Indeed he has been the very model of British loyalism as an ultra-Blairite endorsing the free market and, of course, militarism and war.
Now - without a blush - he is set to chair a football club which is, to say the least, a little less well-identified with British Imperialism.
No doubt the flexible member will deploy his legendary menu of skills to meet the challenge.
However, students of the normally arcane business pages of the Daily Telegraph got a hint of a wider agenda underpinning the Reid move.
According to city correspondent Katherine Griffiths - not thought to be a regular in the Parkhead press box - Reid is also wanted by major Celtic shareholder Dermot Desmond.
Desmond has major interests in Daon, a company specialising in airport security and, according to the Telegraph, “the financier is keen to get access to Mr Reid’s formidable contacts book, which includes people such as America’s Head of Homeland Security, Michael Chertoff.”
Such an involvement would of course require clearance under the rules for ex-ministers but if that hurdle was cleared, Reid’s contacts would be invaluable to anybody in the security business.
No doubt we can expect a media blitz from the tame West of Scotland press hailing the return of the hero if Reid’s appointment is announced.
But there are real dangers - if the appointment is seen as a payoff for door opening for the security business, it may backfire.

Flood survivors face insurance crisis

A damp start to the summer holidays might not seem like anything out of the ordinary, but for thousands of people in England and Wales June’s exceptionally heavy rainfall has left them facing an uncertain future.
In communities like Toll Bar in Doncaster, South Yorkshire, some residents face a wait of several months to return to their homes, and blame the local authority for a failure to provide adequate sandbags and other flood prevention measures.

Jobs
Elsewhere in England, farmers and small businesses face losing all of their stock, with many jobs at risk as a result.
While insurance companies are expected to foot the bill for over a billion pounds worth of damage, you can be sure the cost will be passed back onto the customer through increased premiums, with fewer providers prepared to cover flood-prone areas at all - rather than denting the profits of the major insurance firms.

Loans
Worse still, according to the Observer newspaper, is that one in four of those affected had no contents insurance at all, leaving thousands dependent on Social Fund loans or charity to rebuild their lives.
June 2007 was one of the wettest on record, with temperatures echoing predictions of a warmer summer as a result of climate change.
As insurance costs soar, it seems that protection from the increasingly unpredictable elements is likely to define the rich-poor divide of the future.

Fast food workers occupy French café

Visitors to France will be familiar with the Buffalo Grill fast food chain even if, sensibly, they have avoided eating in it.
Although based in France, Buffalo Grill also operates nearly 300 restaurants in Spain, Belgium, Luxembourg and Switzerland, employing over 6,000 workers.
It’s a familiar story of work carried out largely by migrant labour with the usual poor pay and conditions.
However the employers’ regime has come under challenge since February this year when a popular immigrant Buffalo Grill worker, who had announced his candidacy for workplace representation elections, was denounced to the police.
His “irregular” employment status was “anonymously” reported to the authorities, who then took control of the employment papers of the chain’s foreign workers, numbering more than 600. Four were sacked and others pressured to resign.
A group of undocumented workers, supported by the Commerce, Distribution and Services Federation of the CGT union, are now fighting back by occupying the Buffalo Grill in Viry-Chatillon, in the South of Paris.
The migrants, mostly of African origin, many with years of employment at the chain, face expulsion from the France of Nicolas Sarkozy to their country of origin.
The police have not yet moved to enforce a court order to seize the premises and, as the Voice went to press, the occupation continues.
n You can support their struggle by sending a message (in English or French) in support of these demands to Buffalo Grill and Colony Capital management. http://www.iuf.org/den4313

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—page three—

news

Softly softly approach masks stop and search concerns over racism

by Ken Ferguson and Jo Harvie

In the potential horror represented by the failed London bombs and the blazing jeep driven at Glasgow airport, commentators were struck by the moderate, almost low-key, response from the newly installed Brown government.
This posture chimed with the general condemnation of the attacks, with Osama Saeed of the Muslim Association of Britain saying:
“These terrorists do not care who they kill. We are seething with anger about this.
“As a community not only are we just as likely to be victims as anyone else, but we are also looked to in order to provide direction and in some respects take responsibility for this.
“We are sick of being defined as a community by terrorism and having to answer for it. No cause, and certainly no Muslim cause, is advanced by these senseless attacks - quite the opposite. We wish this had not happened and hope that there is no more.
“There has not been a peep of extremism in Scotland to date. You hear about individuals and groups in London and elsewhere in England, but there has been no presence of this here.”
Certainly amidst the widespread condemnation of the terror attacks the tone of the new administration was noted, with civil rights group Liberty even welcoming it.
After condemning the attacks Liberty went on to say:
“Recent years have demonstrated just how tempting it can be for democratic leaders to play a dangerous and counter-productive politics with national security. By contrast, so far at least, Mr Brown has resisted partisan posturing or a knee-jerk rush to the statute book.”
However, others were more cautious as all eight Scots police forces were granted extensive stop and search powers by the Home Office, bringing them into line with English forces.
Police spokespersons reassured they would use these powers with “sensitivity” and “across communities” - but that has not been the case in the past.
The Institute of Race Relations said last year they were concerned that stop and search powers, in place in London since 2001, had led to “racial profiling against Asians, Blacks and people of Middle Eastern appearance - the ethnic groups police officers would most likely associate with Islam... Blacks and Asians were both four times more likely than Whites to be stopped under these powers in 2002/3.”
This results, says the IRR, in the “criminalisation of entire communities.”
The powers have also been used against legitimate political protestors, for example on demonstrators outside an arms fair in London in October 2003.
Furthermore, the IRR found that the stop and search powers, used tens of thousands of times each year, have “found no terrorists”.

Detention
First Minister Alex Salmond signalled his opposition to further moves to bring in 90-day detention, which was previously rejected by the UK parliament, in the wake of the attacks.
Salmond, speaking to Radio Scotland, distanced the Scottish Executive from calls for police to be given up to 90 days to question terror suspects, compared to 28 days at present.
“We have not been persuaded about the necessity for that, as indeed other parties haven’t,” he said.
“There is nothing in this incident which would affect that at the present moment, since we have in custody two people who are suspected of being involved in a terrorist incident.”
The First Minister was commenting as the united front between London and Edinburgh came under strain with the suggestion that any trials will be held in England under English law, including the Glasgow airport case.
Although an Executive spokesman was quoted as saying “no-one is going to touch these legal matters at a time when police are still investigating the matter”, the fact that the London based, left-leaning Guardian chose to portray the issue as a “turf war” will ring alarm bells among MSPs who believe London either misunderstands are ignores the separate legal jurisdiction in the two countries.

War
However, welcome as the overall more reasoned line from London is, there is little sign that Brown intends to tackle any of the underlying issues feeding the attacks, particularly the sustained attacks in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine.
This was underlined by his statement calling for business as usual when he said:
“Irrespective of Iraq, irrespective of Afghanistan, irrespective of what is happening in different parts of the world, we have an international organisation trying to inflict the maximum damage on civilian life.”
Like Blair before him, the “irrespective” was glibly used to dismiss discussion of the serious issues of war and imperialism and the thousands of resulting deaths as a result of UK and US foreign policy.
Not only does the Brown regime have to avoid further assaults on civil liberties but it needs to end the knee jerk support for US warfare across the globe which places the UK in the firing line of the resulting anger.
This involves getting troops out of Iraq, and Afghanistan and opposing further military adventures by the US in Iran. Such a move would match the apparent change of tone with some real action.

Vigil for the Vale

by Pam Currie

Members of Dumbarton and Vale of Leven SSP branch and community health service campaigners held a six hour vigil outside the Vale of Leven hospital in Dumbartonshire on Saturday 30 June, with over 200 locals turning up in support over the six hours.
SSP Councillor Jim Bollan said:
“We got really good support from the public and passing motorists, and it shows strength of feeling in the community that government should keep the Vale of Leven hospital open.
“The Health Board last week approved additional cuts at the Vale Hospital - these now need to go to Health Minister Nicola Sturgeon.
“The Scottish Socialist Party started the Save the Vale Hospital campaign about seven or eight years ago and the branch have been involved in all of the activities since then.”
Jim explained that the latest cuts come on top of a raft of attacks by the previous Labour administration, including the loss of Accident and Emergency provision, lab services, the mortuary, anaesthetics and care of the elderly.
“We had a consultant-led maternity unit, we lost that, they put in a midwife-led maternity unit. They’re now proposing to cut that and send women to Paisley or Glasgow.
“The other big service we lost was A&E, and what they gave us in its place was a system called the minor injuries unit. The proposal now is to scrub that as well - that would effectively mean that we had a full A&E, what they call a ‘blue light’ hospital - with the new service, you could only go for certain things, limited procedures. If they take that away, we’ll be left with a glorified clinic with no ‘non-planned admissions’.
“We’re getting stories every week from local people about senior citizens having to make five or six hour return journeys to Paisley, or having to pay for taxis as there are no ambulances available.
“We’re calling on the new Health Minister Nicola Sturgeon to back up the SNP’s election promises and make sure that health services are delivered locally. We also call on her to make sure that these further cuts are rescinded and a programme of investment put in place to reinstate the previous cuts.”
SNP Health Minister Nicola Sturgeon is due to visit the Vale of Leven Hospital on Tuesday 17 July and campaigners plan a further demonstration that day. For more details contact Jim Bollan on 07803 668766 or email jim.bollan1@btinternet.com.

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—page four—

Sickening profits

by Roz Paterson

Novartis, the Swiss pharmaceutical giant, and one of the biggest such companies in the world, has filed a lawsuit against the Indian government over its refusal to grant the corporation a new patent for its anti-cancer drug Glivec.
If Novartis wins, and at the moment it just seems too close to call, then millions upon millions of people in the developing world could ultimately die ugly, premature deaths as a consequence. Though Novartis will turn a tidy profit, of course.
Current India law states the government is within its rights to refuse a patent for an existing drug that has reached the end of its statutory 20-year patent period and has been slightly modified, thereby making it ‘new’.
The inverted commas are necessary, as companies have no scruples when it comes to this, and will apply for a new patent simply because they have turned what was once a capsule form of the drug, for instance, into a pill form, or a powder into a syrup.
In the US, companies endlessly re-patent medications by dint of such modifications, thereby keeping generic medicines, which are much cheaper, off the market.
This process is called ‘evergreening’ and is legal, though not without challenge, and entirely despicable.
India, on the other hand, traditionally had no truck with this process, and its generic medicine industry is referred to as the ‘pharmacy of the developing world’.
Most HIV/AIDS treatment programmes rely on generic antiretroviral (ARV) drugs manufactured in India. Without these low-cost drugs, UNICEF, the UN Global Fund, the Clinton Foundation (dedicated to providing HIV/AIDS treatment in the developing world) and Medecins Sans Frontieres would not be able to carry out a fraction of the work they do.
Innovative, or patented, medicines, are between 30 to 50 times more expensive than the generic version in India and throughout the developing world.
Without the competition from generic drugs, people with HIV/AIDS would be looking at a per annum cost of upwards of $10,000 for ARV treatment, compared to $136.
Not surprisingly, the world’s corporations have bared their teeth at this practice, and India has come under heavy fire from the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which, in 2005, forced it to amend its Patents Act, thus enabling drug companies to seek patents on medicines invented since 1995 or for new versions of existing drugs.
So far, India has held at least some of its ground, thanks to clause 3(d), which stipulates that new patents can only be granted if the modified version is significantly more effective than the original.
Novartis is not arguing that its new Glivec variant is better; it is seeking to maintain its monopoly through the intellectual property argument, ignoring centuries of human progress built upon cooperation and intellectual commons.
Actually, Novartis is even more blatant than that.
While the Indian government insists that only modifications that make drugs better should be granted patent protection, Novartis argues that any modification that has commercial utility should be granted patent protection.
A ruling in its favour could mean that even two different drugs, if combined, would be eligible for renewed patent protection.
This is particularly appalling news for those suffering HIV/AIDS, as ARV drugs are often a combination of already existing drugs.
Thus, if Novartis succeeds, India’s generic medicine industry is dead in the water, as other pharmaceutical giants scramble to follow suit and patent everything down to the last fart.
“If they hit India, it basically cuts off the lifeline for generic medicines,” says James Lorenz, a spokesperson for Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF).
“They are going for the jugular.”
MSF alone reaches one quarter of those in sub-Saharan Africa who require ARV treatment. Without generic medicines, this treatment stops dead.
Monique Wanjala, who has lived with HIV for 13 years, told a press conference in Nairobi:
“We want this case dropped. If we die because affordable generic drugs aren’t available, where will they sell the drug?
“If profits are going to be put before people’s lives, then we have a serious problem.”
Literally, in the name of profit, millions of desperately ill people would go untreated for want of safe, affordable medicines, thanks to the actions of some of the already most profitable organisations in the world.
It all adds up to a classic illustration of how the globalised ‘free’ market is in fact a stitch-up engineered by the world’s multinationals and their collaborators in the world’s governing institutions, such as the WTO.
Sales of Novartis’ two major cancer drugs, Glivec and Tasigna, are expected to top $3.5billion, according to the company’s head of oncology.
The case against the Indian government was due to have its first hearing on 18 June, before the newly-formed Intellectual Property Appellate Board in Mumbai.
n Sign the online petition asking Novartis to drop the case at: https://my.care.org/campaigns/novartis

—page five—

Letters

A valuable Voice in the US
I am sorry to hear that the Voice is in financial difficulties. I value it very much as the only source of a great deal of news. I was able to share your excellent article in the 31 May issue about Cuban organic food produce with a few people here as they do not get any real news about Cuba at all. Keep up the good work!
With very good wishes,
Ronald Mathieson,
Napa, California, USA

Strop over flop of Fopp
I was saddened to hear of the recent closure of Fopp’s stores pending possible liquidation.
While I use the internet to buy music a lot of the time, I did like a good browse from time to time as well, something that’s much harder to do on Amazon.
In particular, I found Fopp and Music Zone, which Fopp bought last year, to be a great place to find unusual, interesting and affordable books - a welcome addition to a high street dominated by fewer and fewer booksellers. What if I want to read something which isn’t three for two in Waterstones?
With ever fewer second hand bookstores, the loss of Fopp is not only a massive blow to the 700 staff who worked there, but to anyone who might think outwith the corporate box.
For now though, we just have another empty shop front, waiting to be filled by a Subway or a Starbucks - and another independent retailer joins the casualty list.
Marion Matthews,
Dumbarton

The Westminster Club
It is becoming ever more difficult to make any sense of this parliamentary circus purporting to be our nation’s democratic institution. To see the entire House of Commons (the Nationalists excluded) not only applauding, but rising to applaud, the outgoing Prime Minister, whilst so much of the country he has headed for the past decade remains fulminating about his legacy, and for whom the prospect of criminal proceedings remains a possibility, merely highlights the gulf in reality between the political class and the rest of us.
In Blair’s closing address from the dispatch box, there is an intriguing spectacle of a man finally, briefly casting off his party political facade and speaking directly to other members of a trade, whose complex mechanisms and unspoken understandings, make them a closed shop, a kind of secret society, who, despite all their differences of background, outlook and ideology remain bonded by a code setting them apart.
This would explain Blair’s summarizing sally, which by his general defence of politics’ noble cause, he would hope to have himself excused, but which also more significantly euphemises the many profound errors, misjudgements and downright deceptions of his premiership as mere “low skullduggery”.
Nobody can seriously doubt the man’s driving, messianic sense of purpose. Nor can his humanity be questioned. The unseemly length of the goodbye tour, the many cloaked acknowledgements of regret, and an increasingly troubled face are all testimony to a conscience unsatisfied. In that regard, his new role as Middle East envoy is surely a position which he craves to succeed with, in the hope of redeeming himself in the eyes of all, his God included.
Nevertheless, whilst the lofty intentions of his personal vision and the sincerity of his invocations to the greater good may be enough to save his soul, they should not be regarded as an excuse for the many destructive effects of his decision making while in power. Nor should his unquestioned pedigree as a politician, speaker and diplomat be seen, as seems to be the case with most of his peers, as sufficient in itself to compensate for this. Consequently, his rapturous send-off from the chamber and the many fulsome tributes he has received from its members strikes an especially discordant note in a political symphony which remains so out of tune with core values of accountability and integrity.
The worry is that even with a new prime minister of demonstrably less dissembling than Tony Blair, certain capitulations of principle and ethical compromise will continue to be seen by our political leaders, in a world perceived, and therefore treated as increasingly competitive and dangerous, as integral to the Westminster trade.
Jonathan Pullman, by email

NEW IDEAS
Voices from the SSY

James Nesbitt

Faslane nuclear base was recently the venue for the latest in a historical string of SSY parties.
Around 30 members of the SSP’s youth wing trooped down to the Clydeside home of Britain’s nuclear submarines, as part of Faslane 365’s year-long campaign of civil resistance to WMD.
Having decided that we wanted to play a part in the anti-nuke movement - but also agreeing that we couldn’t be bothered with the same old songs, the hackneyed chants or pointlessly shrieking “SHAME” at people going to their work – our next logical step was to crank up the electro and party hard in the Dunbartonshire sunshine.
 Reluctantly observing Faslane 365 rules of “no alcohol, no drugs” we got stuck into sweets and juice while providing fresh meat for the burgeoning midge population (note for future blockades: bring spray/ nets/ flamethrowers/ anything that will keep the bloodsucking bastards at bay).
Despite police instruction to the contrary, we went ahead and pinned our “Get Nookie, Not Nukie” banner to the gates of the base.
Having decided that we’d better do something more useful than play musical statues, the hardcore among us decided to disrupt the base’s traffic flow.
Using the Mighty Sparrow’s carnival hit “Capitalism Gone Mad” as our cue, myself and comrade Murray Court tried (and failed) to chain our necks together and block the entrance.
Having been rudely interrupted by the cops, handcuffed and informed that I was getting done for a Breach, I decided that I may as well sit on my arse and had a lie-down in the middle of the road.
 Murray got a twisted arm and I made five cops pick me up. Chuckle chuckle.
In the middle of this, the polis were hit with a second wave: comrades Jenny Court, Yiannis Kokosalakis and Neil Bennet made an attempt at “locking on” to each other in the road.
Again, the bitter taste of failure! Ach well.
The five of us spent a night in the cells, making us feel like proper wee revolutionaries.
And lessons were learned too. Fot example, sometimes the attending officers are prone to a wee bit of fibbing!
We were told at the start that all arrestees would be kept in until Monday. Not so.
Also, “anyone enterring the road will get done for a breach”. Porkies once again.
Add to that the 57 different versions of when we were getting out and what we were getting charged with, by the end of it all our faith in the boys in blue was well and truly shaken.
See you on the big blockade in October.

Useful links: www.faslane365.org www.banthebomb.org www.ssy.org.uk

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—centre pages—

The Blair legacy

He left Westminster to a standing ovation. Perhaps bundled, in handcuffs, into a waiting cab, bound for the Hague International Court may have been a more apt goodbye to Tony Blair, the prime minister who privatised, privatised, privatised, lied through his teeth to lead us into war, and waved the Israelis into Lebanon, which they razed to the ground, to name but a few of his many achievements.
Some newspapers may be stuffed with eulogies to a failed pop star who would be peace envoy to the Middle East, but the Voice is not one of them.
Here, Dick Barbor-Might looks back in anger at ten years of bloody violence and market madness.

This is a good time to reflect upon Blair’s premiership, in the days that immediately follow his departure from the British political scene, the occasion marked by a sycophantic two minutes’ standing ovation in the House of Commons.
The attempted car bombings in London and Glasgow fit well into Blair’s catchall justification for his wars and for his assaults upon civil liberty. The attacks, he would be assuring us if he was still Prime Minister, are part of ‘the war on terror’.
Thus Blair would blink away the warnings from all those sane and sober analysts who warned, even before the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq, that this would not remove but would greatly increase the chances of attacks upon British targets.
Blair’s response was to charge his critics with justifying terrorist attacks when all that they were doing was explaining that it was his very own action - his joining with George W Bush in the assault upon Iraq - that provided al-Qaeda with its most potent and plausible appeal, namely, that Islam was under attack by the ‘crusader West’.
Indeed, the invasion in March 2003 provided al-Qaeda with what it never had while Saddam was in power, which was an operational base in Iraq from which it could propagandise against the ‘crusaders’ under cover of nationalist resistance to the Anglo-American invaders.
Whatever small and fanatical groups may prove to be the perpetrators, the bombings and attempted bombings in London and Glasgow are vile and criminal acts. But so too are the warfighting methods customarily used by US officers, some of whom are also religious fanatics, from the so-called Christian Right. Yet no prosecuting authorities are preparing to bring these officers - or Bush or Blair - to answer before any court. Of the nearly 7000 civilians killed in the six weeks after the Iraq invasion (this is a conservative estimate), about 95 per cent were killed by American troops whether by air strikes, by wholesale machine gunnings of fleeing civilians or by casual acts of violence.
Nowadays most deaths in Iraq are being caused by the sectarian violence that was unleashed by the invasion. But the Americans continue to make their contribution. Only the other day eight civilians were reported killed in Baghdad’s Sadr City by American troops “firing wildly”.
Meanwhile, in Afghanistan, it is estimated that in the month of June alone about 200 civilians were killed by Coalition forces - far more than were killed by the resurgent Taliban.
US General ‘Bomber’ McNeill, who commands in Afghanistan, is a fan of the unrestrained use of air power. The inevitable toll in civilians lives adds to the appeal of the Taliban as a nationalist resistance.
And there is death after British soldier death - in Afghanistan as in Iraq.
Here at home, apart from the risk of terrorist attacks, just a couple of the consequences of New Labour’s assault on civil liberties in the name of security are that you could now be extradited to the USA without evidence of any crime and that you could be imprisoned for peaceful protest.
This is all part of Blair’s legacy.

People’s princess

The wars apart, there has been something irredeemably tacky about the Blair years, a compound of celebrity culture, synthetic emotion and media manipulation.
All three characteristics were prominently displayed just four months into the Blair premiership. Diana’s death in a Paris car crash on the night of 30/31 August 1997 enabled Blair to project himself as virtually a presidential figure. Blair and his master spin doctor Alastair Campbell sensed that a tidal wave of emotion was about to engulf the country. They immediately set about upstaging the frigid royal family and surfing the public mood. While the Windsors attended a church service near their Balmoral estate - when Diana’s death was not even mentioned - Blair made a stage-managed appearance in a churchyard in his Sedgefield constituency. One of his minders ensured that Michael Brunson of ITN would ask just the one question: “Is there anything you would like to say, Prime Minister?”
Slightly dishevelled, full of what used to be called manly emotion, Blair spoke of Diana’s “compassion and her humanity” and renamed her “the people’s princess”.
Blair and Campbell (himself a former Daily Mirror journalist) had been proved right - Diana was transformed by her death from a flaky celeb whom the tabloids loved to pillory and photograph into an instant icon, ‘Diana the martyr’.
Remember what happened in the week that followed? There was Blair’s emotional encomium to the dead Diana, televised around the world. There were the carpets of flowers, the stuffed toys piled against railings, people caught on camera hysterically weeping and an ugly mood developing against the “heartless” royals.
Then, several days late (and almost too late), the standard at Buckingham Palace was suddenly lowered when the Windsors returned to London, having finally being brought to realise that hunting stags at Balmoral really wouldn’t cut the mustard when the dead Diana was lying in state.
Then came the Queen’s broadcast ‘tribute’ to the dead princess (Campbell put aside his republican sympathies and inserted some warm words into the draft speech to mitigate the Palace’s chilly phrases).
Finally, there was the service in Westminster Abbey. Diana’s brother, the ninth Earl Spencer, used his pulpit oratory to voice his contempt for the Windsors: “she needed no royal title to generate her particular brand of magic.”
The occasion was another success for Blair. He got to read from Corinthians.
Blair’s advisers were well pleased. His approval rating soared to the hitherto unheard-of level of 93 per cent.
Having so comprehensively upstaged the royals, Blair lavished sycophantic praise upon the Queen: “I am as proud as proud can be to be your Prime Minister. You are our Queen. We respect and cherish you. You are simply the best of British.”

Blair’s decade

Tony Blair has never stood so high in public esteem as he did in the aftermath of Diana’s death. Since then his charisma has faded away just as has the cult of Diana the martyr. Yet in his decade in power Blair has been able to wield Prime Ministerial power even when personally unpopular. It is only very recently that this power evaporated and that he returned to stage-managing a role for himself, this time as the star in the longest goodbye in British politics.
Blair’s ten years have seen the continuation of the Thatcherite twin ‘revolutions’, of freeing up capital and of increasing state control. Even more so than with John Major, the privatisation of public services has remained the name of the game. And, despite much rhetoric about “choice”, Blair continued with the centralising tendency and took it further than ever before.
Back at the beginning, soon after the 1997 general election, Blair’s Chief of Staff Jonathan Powell spoilt any illusions that might have been harboured by senior civil servants. He told them that they should expect less Magna Carta but, rather, a change “to a more Napoleonic system”.
Magna Carta is an ancient English charter of liberties and “Napoleonic system” is code for a regulating dictatorship.
Jonathan Powell’s appointment in itself was a pointer to the high degree of continuity between the Thatcher-Major years and the Blair era, he having modelled himself upon his older brother Charles who, as a senior civil servant, had been remarkably close to two successive Tory Prime Ministers, first Thatcher and then Major.
Another reason why Jonathan Powell has been persona grata with New Labour is that, ever since his days at the Washington embassy in the early 1990s, he has shared Blair and Brown’s fascination with the American political elite.
In the world where the political and financial elites do business with each other, New Labour has presided over the continued flourishing of Thatcher’s inheritance and of the American connection. A good example is the oddly named QinetiQ, which is called after the fictional boffin who supplied James Bond with his gadgetry and which was once part of the Ministry of Defence.
Since it was floated as a private company in 2001, QinetiQ has linked up with the global private equity firm, the Carlyle Group, which is closely associated with both John Major and ex-President George H Bush. The company has connected with the US arms industry, and with the Department of Homeland Security, which is the flagship for George W Bush’s very own ‘war on terror’.

Crisis management

The death of David Kelly in an Oxfordshire wood in July 2003 created a moment of high danger for the Prime Minister that, after the immediate crisis was over, was eventually resolved by (amongst others) the chairman of QinetiQ.
Kelly, we may recall, was a highly regarded defence scientist who had revealed to Andrew Gilligan, a BBC journalist, that he doubted Blair’s claims in the September 2002 dossier that Saddam Hussein had an arsenal of weapons of mass destruction, some at 45-minutes readiness.
Blair and his acolytes had thrown Kelly to the media wolves to deflect journalists from the main story, which was whether or not there ever had been any WMD and whether Blair had lied.
It was a quintessential moment in the Blair premiership. He was fresh from his triumph at the US Congress where he had received 17 standing ovations.
Blair was visibly frightened when he was told that Kelly had died. But help was at hand. It was his old flatmate Lord Falconer who, as Lord Chancellor, drew up the terms of reference for the inquiry into Kelly’s death and who singled out Lord Hutton from amongst all the other law lords to conduct it.
Later it was Hutton - who had been notorious for a series of pro-government decisions in juryless courts in Northern Ireland - who exonerated Blair and condemned the BBC in the strongest terms. It was Blair’s spin doctor Alastair Campbell, who had inspired the September dossier, who insisted that heads should roll at the BBC.
And it was Dame Pauline Neville-Jones, a BBC governor, who kept on pressuring her fellow governors until they agreed to give Campbell his wish and sack their Director General Greg Dyke - whereupon the Chairman Gavyn Davies and Gilligan both resigned.
Just to close the circle: Neville-Jones, one time Political Director at the Foreign Office, was chairman of QinetiQ. This was the privatised company that was so closely linked with the Carlyle Group and with US armaments companies. Even as Kelly aired his doubts to Gilligan about Blair’s WMD claim, so these companies were busy supplying weapons for use in the Iraq war.
Neville-Jones well understood how to use her dual role: as chairman of QinetiQ to profit from the war and as a BBC governor to punish those who had dared to tell the public that the war was based upon a lie.

The Project
Blair’s first victim was the Labour Party itself, once known as ‘the people’s party’. Under Blair it was reborn as ‘New Labour’.
While disdaining whatever had made the Labour Party worthwhile, Blair nonetheless appealed to an ill-defined notion of ‘the people’. Right at the outset of his premiership he told his more than 400 Labour MPs that, “we are not the masters now. The people are the masters. We are the servants of the people.”
Truth to tell, this empty populist appeal was cover for the ruthless ambition of a small clique of politicians who aspired to power, using the Labour Party as the vehicle for what they liked to call ‘the Project’.
In the process they have moved the Labour Party so far to the right as to make it unrecognisable even as compared with the Wilson era of the 1960s and 1970s.
Blair has understood the paltry motives of aspirant members of the political elite and has played the patronage game to his own greatest advantage.
Occasional revolts and a very few principled resignations aside, Labour MPs supported Blair in policies that veered between the banal, the foolish and the sinister. Blair’s Parliamentary Labour Party is a tribe dominated by group thinking and populated by MPs nervous of their privileges.
At a higher level in the hierarchy those who were once - or who are or who are not yet - ministers yearn for the red boxes, chauffeur driven cars and deferential civil servants that mark them out from the common herd.
Cabinet government as such disappeared in favour of what the civil service mandarin Lord Butler contemptuously termed “sofa government”. Along the way the authority of the Westminster Parliament has been greatly diminished - continuing a tendency that was first observed over 100 years ago.
Potential rebels have had to reckon with the fact that Tony policies are so like Tory ones that, as like as not, the Conservatives would bale out the Prime Minister if ever he faced defeat in a House of Commons vote.
As for the Labour Party, it has lost half its members in the last ten years and its annual conferences have become choreographed political rallies.
Every speech or ‘initiative’ is calibrated for its media impact and dissent is rendered invisible.
Despite frequent disappointments, Labour Party members and ordinary trade unionists at one time could recognise a semblance of their own convictions in a Labour government at Westminster. Nowadays, the images in the mirror are often those of wealthy business benefactors.
It is millionaires who come to the aid of the Party, whether by donations or ‘loans’, or by sponsoring the essentially Tory policy of city academies (£2million or so, a lunch with the Prime Minister), or by membership of numerous ‘task forces’ and ‘reviews’ or by participating in Private Finance Initiatives (guaranteed 30-year paybacks).
Yet it has not all been plain sailing. An unexpectedly rigorous police investigation mired Blair in the cash for honours scandal.
Earlier this year it seems that he only narrowly avoided being interviewed as a suspect and thus being forced into a precipitate resignation.

The players
Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Peter Mandelson, Alastair Campbell - these four - have been the key players in ‘the Project’.
From early on they attracted support from ambitious lawyers. There was Blair’s old flatmate and posh Scot Lord (Charlie) Falconer who so helped him over the Kelly affair.
Lord Goldsmith was indispensable to Blair as Attorney General, providing him with specially tailored advice that invading Iraq would be legal and, more recently, covering up on BAE’s Al-Yamamah Saudi arms deal. Mooted as the biggest arms deal in history, it was signed by Thatcher in 1985 and reputedly is worth £43billion. A great friend of George W Bush, the Saudi Prince Bandar has been one of the key beneficiaries of kickbacks on the deal.
As for Goldsmith, like Falconer his usefulness is expended and he is leaving the political stage with that Establishment curse word “controversial” forever attached to his name.
There is a book to be written about the far Left politicos who became fanatical Blairites. Peter Mandelson himself had been a Young Communist.
There was David Blunkett who once flew the red flag over Sheffield Town Hall in what was jokingly dubbed ‘the Socialist Republic of South Yorkshire’. Blunkett, who was Home Secretary at the time, supposedly once shrieked out that the Army should be called in to machine gun rioting prisoners at Lincoln jail.
There was Alan Milburn who once ran the Newcastle leftwing bookshop Days of Hope, nicknamed ‘Haze of Dope’. After a stint as an ultra-Blairite minister, he faded away to spend more time with his family.
Stephen Byers, Milburn’s close associate from the north-east England Labour Party, was another Blairite. Lying to the House of Commons finished him off.
Nor should we ever forget Dr John Reid, the ex-Communist Party enforcer and erstwhile associate of the Bosnian Serb Radovan Karadzic who later became infamous as a mass killer. As Home Secretary Reid did his best to make a bonfire of our civil liberties: “sometimes we have to modify some of our own freedoms - in the short term - in order to prevent their misuse.” Now he has departed to the backbenches to nurse his rage against that usurper of the Blairite crown, Gordon Brown.
Meanwhile, thanks to “an enormous push” from the Bush administration, Blair himself is appointed as special envoy from the ‘Quartet’ (US, European Union, UN and Russia) to help try and draw the Palestinians into a settlement with Israel, on Israeli terms.
The appointment is breathtaking in the contempt that it shows to Arab opinion. Apart from Iraq, where the death toll amongst civilians is numbered in the hundreds of thousands, Arabs will remember Blair from the summer of 2006 as the man who helped to block a desperately needed ceasefire so as to allow the Israeli Defence Forces the time they needed to wreck half of Lebanon. This is another part of Blair’s legacy.
It is Gordon Brown, despite Blair’s every effort to stop him, who at last possesses the glittering prize. As for the Blairs, Tony and Cherie, they can now contemplate their after-life on the American lecture circuit.

back to index

—page eight—

Reidso’s coming home?

by Ken Ferguson

Multi-skilled Home Secretary John Reid is thought to be heading for the Westminster sunset retirement home as his archenemy, Gordon Brown, prepares to become Prime Minister.
The depth of enmity between the two was neatly illustrated by the Airdrie sage when a top political journalist asked him what role he expected in a Brown government. “Making the tea,” replied Dr Reid.
However, just as the London press polished the political obituary of the former New Labour big gun, anxious voters were told that Reid should abandon the metropolis and hot foot it to Edinburgh.
The suggestion came from the eccentric Ayrshire Labour MP Brian Donohue who, shocked by Labour’s Holyrood defeat, floated the novel idea that bruiser Reid should move North and take on Salmond.
Minor matters such as his non-membership of the Scottish Parliament could no doubt be dealt with by his Lanarkshire chums engineering a by-election in which he would be endorsed by the supine Daily Record.
That an idea so bizarre can even break cover neatly illustrates the depth of crisis thrown up by the breaking of Labour’s 50-year dominance of Scottish politics - however narrowly - for the complacent suits on their Holyrood benches.
The mixed electoral system used for the Scottish Parliament was cooked up between New Labour and the LibDems with the aim of stopping the SNP ever gaining power.
The fact that they are now a minority administration is a political earthquake which cannot be underestimated.
It has certainly shaken New Labour, with stories springing up about plots against the hapless McConnell and sharpening of knives for his supporters.
The other losers have been much of Scotland’s media with their hysterical ‘end of the world’ predictions about the SNP failing to turn voters back to Labour.
Despite the major setback represented by the defeat of the SSP and independents, and the drastic pruning of the media-hyped Greens, the fact remains that the result opens up new opportunities for Scotland’s progressive forces.
It is a mixture of fear and visceral hatred of the SNP which sparks calls for the return of ‘heavyweight’ Reid to beef-up Labour’s act and, although highly unlikely, it spotlights the mood of fear in Labour.
Then again, press reports are telling us that Dr Reid is seeking a ‘third way’ between our beloved unarmed bobbies and the US-style SWAT teams which routinely send in tanks.
He told the Police Federation that he favours cops carrying the supposedly non-lethal Taser stun guns, which put 50,000 volts through suspects. The Home Secretary explained to the cops’ Blackpool conference:
“The police service is facing unprecedented challenges and this government is committed to providing them with the tools they need to meet the demands of modern policing.”
Could he just maybe have that pesky man Salmond in mind?

MP Hodge outburst shows New Labour running scared of racists

by Ken Ferguson

East London Labour MP Margaret Hodge has drawn heavy fire with her outburst demanding that new immigrants should have less housing rights than established UK families.
Hodge has previously sounded the alarm about the growth of BNP support in her area and her latest pronouncement smacks of a ‘if you can’t beat them join them’ approach.
Hodge said that indigenous families’ “legitimate sense of entitlement” should override the needs of recent arrivals.
The ultra-Blairite claimed that there is widespread concern about the changing face of Britain and people needed to be reassured. Fuelling that concern herself, and pandering to the often-punted myth that immigrants ‘get more stuff’, she claimed:
“Currently, the government prioritises the needs of an individual migrant family over the entitlement that others feel they have to resources in the community.”
Tearing up decades of housing allocations policy the minister demanded:
“We should also look at drawing up different rules based on, for instance, length of residence, citizenship or national insurance contributions which carry more weight in a transparent points system used to decide who is entitled to access social housing.”
However, Hayes and Harlington Labour MP John McDonnell, who had his bid for the Labour leadership blocked last week, described her remarks as a “disgraceful” attack on the most “vulnerable sections of our community”.
“I’m shocked that it has been uttered from the mouth of a Labour minister. It will do nothing more than bolster support for the BNP,” he said.
“I’m calling on Gordon Brown to condemn these comments.”
Condemnation also came from the Refugee Council, whose head of international and British policy, Nancy Kelly, said:
“The way to counter some of the views that are put forward by the far-right parties is not by trying to follow their lead...
“People who are recognised as refugees are entitled to council housing, but on exactly the same basis as a UK national - on the basis of need.”
Liberal Democrat local government spokesman Andrew Stunell pointed out that the way to deal with housing shortages was to build more houses.
“There are 1.5million families on the council housing waiting list and the Labour government keeps selling houses off,” he said.
“The first thing to do is start building social housing again, not to blame immigrants for the catastrophic government failure to tackle the issue.”

McDonnell’s lack of support poses questions for unions

by Stan Crooke

“Don’t mourn. Organise!” said John McDonnell after failing to win sufficient nominations to force a leadership contest. McDonnell fell victim to a Labour Party rule change requiring an MP to win support from 12.5 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party in order to stand for party leader.
Previously, it was 5 per cent - which McDonnell more than achieved. This rule change is one of a Blair/Brown series, in a bid to shut down democracy in the Labour Party.
Other examples include transforming party conference into little more than a rally, reducing the trade unions’ share of votes, stripping the powers of the National Executive Committee (NEC), and safeguarding sitting MPs from deselection.
McDonnell’s defeat was a defeat not just for what’s left of the left in the Labour Party membership, but also for the left in trade unions. His polices echoed trade union policies against the renewal of Trident, the anti-union laws, the Iraq War and PFI/PPP.
But only three small unions - the FBU, RMT and ASLEF - backed him.
The PCS - whose leader, Mark Serwotka, supported McDonnell - may have done so, had he not conceded defeat by the time the motion was due to be taken at PCS conference.
But other, bigger trade unions, whose General Secretaries speechify against New Labour and the Iraq War, such as Amicus’s Derek Simpson, the TGWU’s Tony Woodley and the CWU’s Billy Hayes, backed Brown.
At the March meeting of the Labour NEC, not one trade union representative voted to reduce the number of MPs’ nominations needed to trigger a leadership contest. Thus they knowingly backed a seamless transition to a Brown-led Labour Party.
With McDonnell on the ballot paper, the left - inside and outside the Labour Party - could have challenged the Blair/Brown drive to stifle the trade unions’ political voice.
And forced the question: why are so many unions going along with New Labour instead of fighting for their own policies?
The McDonnell campaign could have worked to consolidate the anti-New Labour forces in the trade union movement, and raised the fundamental question of political representation for organised workers.
John McDonnell is right: don’t mourn - organise! Trade unionists should call to account those General Secretaries who refused to support McDonnell.

Cruddas support disgrace

On 17 May, the General Executive Committee of the TGWU voted to support Gordon Brown for Labour Party leader and Jon Cruddas for deputy leader.
The TGWU and Amicus have already each donated £15,000 to Cruddas’s campaign, and the TGWU magazine has lauded him.
Yet Cruddas backed the Iraq War, and foundation hospitals. He was one of only ten Labour MPs to vote against equal adoption rights for gays and lesbians. And he supports reducing the trade unions’ share of votes at Labour Party conference from 50 to 33 per cent.
Cruddas originally backed Michael Meacher for leader.
When Meacher withdrew to give McDonnell a free run, Cruddas, by all accounts, leaned on his backers not to transfer their support to McDonnell.
That most unions failed to support McDonnell was bad enough. That a number of the biggest unions are now rallying around Cruddas for the deputy leadership is a disgrace.

—page nine—

cultural resistance

Half of a Yellow Sun: oil, power and tragedy in 1960s Nigeria

Half of a Yellow Sun by Chimamanda Ngozi Adiche

Scooping this year’s Orange Prize, Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adiche became the first African woman to win a major literary award and her novel, Half of a Yellow Sun, is the chatter of the review shows. Rarely, though, is a novel so worth its hype.
Adiche’s story is an epic one of love and war which takes us through 1960s Nigeria, as a post-colonial ruling elite consolidates its power. A military coup is followed by counter-coup, and ethnic tensions germinated by the British former rulers burst into a bloody spray of massacre.
In the east of Nigeria, where the Igbo people form a majority, an independent state is declared - the Republic of Biafra - and a bloody war ensues as Nigeria invades to reclaim the land, with full support of Britain, America and the USSR. Why? The usual reason - oil.
Given their lack of resources, exacerbated by a devastating famine created by the war, ultimately all Biafra has to use to fight the war are the lives of its people.
We see the horror unfold through the eyes of three characters. Ugwu is a young ‘house boy’, a servant brought from rural poverty to look after an enigmatic professor.
Olanna is a ‘Big Man’s’ daughter, who chooses love and radical academia over the privilege and wealth of her family position.
And Richard is an Englishman, an awkward writer, out of place in the hard-bitten, hard-drinking milieu of post-colonial expatriates.
The lives of all three intertwine, and then are dragged apart as events play out. And although there is a depth of historical and political information, and substantial comment on colonialism, class and ethnicity, you never feel lectured as the story is guided by the struggle, reactions and desires of Adiche’s three protagonists.
At the time, both Western governments and media ignored the war in Biafra - where it was mentioned it was overwhelmingly portrayed as one of those inevitable quarrels between warring tribes people. But this was a war of the West’s making.
Adiche herself was born a decade after the war, and her writing gives an eye-opening context to the political strife that still grips Nigeria. Excerpts of an imaginary novel written by one of the characters make a point about who writes the history if Africa. It seems safe in Adiche’s hands.

This Land is Our Land

by Andy Harvey

Scotland’s richest woman can block public access to land around her Perthshire mansion. The Stagecoach mogul - who with brother Brian Souter is worth £800million - persuaded a court that her Kinfauns Estate was exempt from Scotland’s Right to Roam law. Gloag argued that fences were required to protect her privacy and to protect her from kidnappers.
The Gloag case presents a threat to Scotland’s hard-won Right to Roam legislation. Since 2003, the public have had the right to walk, cycle or ride responsibly across most of the countryside. Now, a landslide of litigation is anticipated as loaded landlords seek to throw barbed wire exclusion zones around their country piles.
The fight for free movement across our own country is a centuries-old class struggle. Down south, the most radical land reform ever was by the Normans: they simply snatched land from natives and handed it to robber barons. Thereafter, common lands were enclosed and peasants driven to the margins of the fields and the forests.
Scottish land fell into the hands of an anglicised aristocracy which cleared the unprofitable peasants off the land, replacing them with a new cash-cow - well, sheep actually.
Modern Scots imagine an empty Highland wilderness. In fact a once thriving, working landscape was forcibly purged of human activity and turned into a vast theme park for the idle rich. Toffs fenced off the land as hunting grounds and employed thousands of ghillies to guard its exclusivity.
From 1884, legislative attempts to give ordinary folk some access to mountains were repeatedly foiled by a House of Lords populated by the landowners themselves.
As seething cities sprawled during the Industrial Revolution, for common folk the idea of wandering “lonely as a cloud” to seek spiritual uplift or just to breath fresh air, to stand “silent with swimming sense” became popular.
The 1930s Depression saw a boom in walking and cycling. Legions of unemployed workers roamed the sooty streets of cities like Glasgow and sought sport and a cleansing of the lungs and the soul in nearby mountains, lochs and forests. Outdoor clubs for working class people were formed, many influenced by radical ideas. The Scottish Youth Hostel Association, for instance, was founded in 1932.
However, the demand for a share of the countryside met with fierce resistance from landowners. In the English Peak District, mountains and valleys were out-of-bounds to walkers from nearby cities like Sheffield and Manchester. This resulted in the famous Kinder Scout mass trespass of 1932. Over 400 ramblers from the Workers Sports Federation marched onto Kinder Scout to the tune of The Internationale. The landowners were prepared though as the marchers were ambushed by gangs of keepers, armed with cudgels. Eight of the battered marchers received prison sentences.
Clearly many landowners are willing to work with the new legislation. However some are trying to claw back their former privileges under the guise of the right to privacy.
We all have a right to privacy, but the Gloag case begs the question: the richer you are, the bigger your house, the more space you need around it to be private? Has Ann Gloag ever lived in a Glasgow tenement , where, if you open your curtains, 30 neighbours can see what colour boxer shorts you are wearing?
A more fundamental issue raised is that of land ownership. Whilst This Land is Your Land may be a popular tune on football terraces, it certainly is not your land: 50 per cent of all private land in Scotland is owned by just 343 individuals and it rarely changes hands.
A glance at the double and treble barrelled names among our native landed elite - the Dingwall-Fordyces, the Ogilvie-Grant-Nicholsons - shows that this class is a web of inter-marriage bent on retaining land ownership. It is, as one observer put it, “a tightly knit network of power and influence extending into the fields of politics and finance.”
The Executive says it will contest the judgement. It will be interesting to see whether the governing SNP - bankrolled by Gloag’s homophobic brother Brian Souter - will have the bottle to encroach on their paymasters’ lawn. Socialists should support the defence of the right to roam by legal means. But history suggests that we may have to act directly to defend this fundamental freedom. 
Addressing the question of land ownership is certainly a longer-term task for socialists. If divided equally, rural Scotland has four acres (that’s about three Hampden parks) for every single man, woman, child - including asylum seekers. Gerrard Winstanley, leader of the Diggers put it nicely: “The earth shall be made a common treasury to whole mankind without respect of persons.”

The Wild Brunch

Keef Tomkinson

Keef casts his eye across life’s more leisurely pursuits in order to put a wee bit of CULTure into our lives.

Two months have passed since electoral obliteration. History books will record how the SSP’s MSPs moved from direct political action to stop closures to direct hygiene action to get another day from greying undergarments.
But nothing will be written about the Voice’s column, Tuned In, being axed. Its 500 words of cultural direction, researched and written in a half hour, helped thousands turn off the TV set.
But the column is back and revamped. Editor Jo Harvie’s humiliating u-turn will see this as her last edition as the Voice’s dictator-in-chief. Goodbye, good luck and may your lessons be learned.
So what is the column’s remit? “Rant” they said. “Joke” they said. “Controversialise” they said. “Just make sure there is a point” they finished.
So I decided to watch proper TV. As I have an interest in ancient civilisations and their crazy yet visionary ways, I chose The Last Aztec on Channel 4.
Author DBC Pierre set out to describe the Aztecs’ epic tale of decline and conquest by Spanish conquistadors. This is type of thing I would have told you to watch.
It started at 8pm and by 8.16pm I had turned over to watch Where Eagles Dare. Yeah, you learned the Spanish arrived at the same time as the Aztecs were expecting a god and their gifts of treasure probably helped the Spanish to decide to stay and plunder. However, you had to put up with swirling camera shots and the posturing of DBC.
Standing unshaven in the blaze of Mexico’s evening sun, a smoking cigarette hanging from his lips, it was akin to watching Jim Morrison present a Wish You Were Here dedicated to Gulf of Mexico brothels.
You would have been better off listening to Neil Young’s, Cortez the Killer. In seven minutes it crafts the story of what the Spanish did and the tragedy it represented.
What has happened to documentaries in the 21st Century? All style and attitude with little room for actual content.
Real life is ridiculously interesting. Everywhere has history. Everyone knows a story. Each incident is linked by a global web of causal connections.
It takes some talent to mess up the telling of those stories, so why do they fail? Is it the presenter? Is it the attitude? Is it wannabe movie directors getting carried away? It’s a little of everything. It’s infotainment.
It probably started off as a sincere notion. Rather than having a dense, hour-long lecture by a dusty academic, forward thinking types chose to make history more accessible.
Now we are spending more and more on infotainment, but rather than halt the slide towards ignorance the genre is exacerbating the dumbing down of television.
David Dimbleby’s How We Built Britain is nearly as pompous as David Starkey’s Monarchy. And what about Peter and Dan Snow: 20th Century Battlefields? The presenters get head billing above the subject!
Don’t even mention headline hunting Channel 4 giving guttural racist, Richard Littlejohn, a programme about anti-semitism in Britain.
So I won’t watch those. Instead I’ll keep it real. BBC Four’s Storyville goes inside the closed world of Western corporate outsourcing in India while BBC2’s Paris peeks at the history of France’s beating heart. Storyville lets the story tell itself while Paris lets the city be the star.
Does this really matter? Maybe before, but now with the internet we can access thousands of documentaries - check out Radio 2’s site or net TV like www.vbs.tv which has quirky segments on Bolivian cocoa production, Venezuelan gold miners and the Beastie Boys.
You could also pick up a book, but don’t strain yourself.

back to index

—page ten—

international news

Howard presses the racist button

by Jo Harvie

In remote Aboriginal townships across Australia’s Northern Territory, the police have moved in, mob-handed, with troops to back them up.
They are there, says Australia’s Prime Minister, John Howard, to help stamp out ‘national emergency’ levels of child abuse, alcoholism and domestic violence.
Yet few of these dusty hamlets, riven with poverty, unemployment, ill-health and soaring suicide rates, have a resident doctor, or access to social services.
Howard’s plan, say Aboriginal groups, is not only paternalistic and racist, it fails utterly to tackle what lies beneath.
The problem facing these communities is age-hold, handed down from father to son and mother to daughter.
Here are 12 year old mothers, and 22 year old grandmothers. Here is a culture so brutalised, it is literally drinking itself to death, with one in four deaths alcohol-related amongst Northern Territory aboriginals.
They have nothing, they are regarded as less than nothing, and yet again, here comes a white administration with a stick to beat them.
The new measures brutally overturn the hard-won democratic and land rights of Aboriginal people, with the Australian federal state wresting control of around 60 indigenous communities from Aboriginal land councils.
Not only have they cranked up the police and military presence to occupation levels, they have scrapped the permit system which regulates entry to commonly-held Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory, and was intended to tackle racist police harassment.
The announcement of Howard‚s plan came in the immediate wake of the acquittal of a Queensland police officer, charged with assault and manslaughter after an Aboriginal man died in custody.
Further, the plan includes the ban on alcohol and pornography, compulsory, and potentially traumatic, health checks on Aboriginal children, and the ‘quarantining’ of 50 per cent of benefit payments, which will mean they can only be spent on designated necessities.
Peter Boyle, of Australian socialist newspaper Green Left Weekly, knows opportunism when he sees it.
“Howard’s record on aboriginal affairs is shocking in its callousness. He has dismissed appeal after appeal from these communities in crisis, dismissing evidence of their lowered life expectancy and upwardly creeping infant mortality.
“He couldn’t even find the modest $450million requested by Oxfam and the National Aboriginal Community-controlled health organisation for Aboriginal health care.
“Now, with elections breathing down his neck, showing ‘concern’ for indigenous communities, by putting a gun to their heads, is a cheap way to garner redneck votes.
“Howard’s headline-grabbing, prejudice-tapping ‘emergency program’ is not designed to address any real social problem. It’s simply a way to press the racist button in the coming federal elections.”

The Venezuelan revolution is still being televised

by Ken Ferguson

There has been an outbreak of hand-wringing over the decision not to renew RCTV’s license for Channel 2 by the Venezuelan government.
Liberal commentators, many of whom have cheered on cruise missiles during recent imperialist crusades for democracy, claim that Venezuela president Hugo Chavez is trampling free speech and violating human rights.
Yet the granting, and non-renewal, of broadcasting licences is common across the globe, including in the UK.

Thatcher
Thames TV, for example, which broadcast for 24 years, had its license revoked during the Thatcher years.
In a bid to mobilise opposition, the right-wing boss of RCTV, Marcel Granier, claimed that not only his but the human rights of the RCTV workers are being violated.
Yes, the station head of the coup supporting RCTV transpires to a champion of workers‚ rights!
The government was quick to respond that the concession is not being denied to the workers, and has actively encouraged RCTV staff members to organise into a collective and request the concession be granted to themselves.
Also wide of the mark are claims that the RCTV decision amounts to a curb on diversity of opinion and is a prelude to the monolithic state control of the media by Chavez.
It’s nonsense. For a start, Channel 2 will continue to broadcast!
The concession to one private corporation may not be being renewed, but it will instead be granted to either another private corporation, a mixed public-private corporation, a collective of workers, or some other combination.
RCTV will be free to continue cable and satellite broadcasts demonstrating that what is at issue is the private use of a public good - a broadcasting licence concession - rather than the ‘silencing’ of a media outlet.
Vice President Rodriguez remains unflinching:
“Is the Bolivarian government closing down a television station? No. The only television station that was closed during the eight years of this government was Venezolana de Televisión on that tragic night of April 11th.”
This last in reference to the actions of the failed anti-Chavez coup who closed a pro-Chavez TV channel.
Outlets like Venevisión and Globovisión showed no concern for ‘free speech’ when they supported the short-lived coup d’etat which immediately closed down the only media outlet representing the poorest majority of the population - as well as various community media outlets, such as Catia-TV.
Revoking the RCTV’s license isn’t about clamping down on free speech but, as Venezuelan foreign minister Nicolás Maduro put it, about “revoking the disgusting privileges of a communications oligarchy allied with international financiers.”

—page eleven—

international news

Bolivian underground

by Patrick O’Hare

If one place encapsulates the horrors and hardships which South America’s native peoples have suffered and continue to suffer at the hands of imperialism then it is Potosi, the historic mining town set high in the Bolivian Altiplano. Founded in 1545 by the Spanish, upon discovering silver deposits and Inca mine workings, it once equalled Paris, London and Madrid in size and wealth.
Distorting the Inca custom of ‘mita’ - a public service whereby citizens would voluntarily help to build roads, temples etc - into something akin to slavery, the Spanish colonisers used Bolivia’s indigenous peoples as an enormous pool of forced labour.
Between 1556 and 1783, around 45,000 tonnes of pure silver were extracted from Cerro Rico (rich mountain), the huge peak which dominates Potosi, and sent to Spanish ports.
The heavily indebted Spanish empire used the silver wealth to pay back British and Dutch creditors; the capital subsequently used to fund the industrialisation of Europe’s early capitalist powers.

Murderous regime
Whilst decadence reigned in Potosi’s segregated Spanish quarter, where they once famously paved the streets with bars of silver, the Quechua-speaking natives, along with some black African slaves, were literally worked to death in their millions.
With some 8million deaths at its door, Cerro Rico well earned its macabre nickname, ‘The Mountain That Eats Men’.
When the silver deposits were exhausted in the 1800s, tin mining followed, enduring as the principal mineral export until the slump in tin prices in the 1980s.
Mining remains the lifeblood of Potosi, with some 20,000 miners scratching a living from Cerro Rico, extracting a silver/zinc composite ore and small amounts of tin.

A miner’s life
A modern miner’s day begins at around 6am when he heads to the miner’s market for a hearty breakfast which has to sustain him during 10-12 hour shifts with no food breaks.
There, he also purchases his daily bag of coca leafs which, chewed continuously, act as an artificial hunger suppressant as well as containing legendary health-giving properties.
Coca, revered by indigenous Bolivians, was once banned by the Catholic Church as a diabolic substance, but was then made obligatory for Potosi miners when their colonial masters realised that it enabled them to work longer.
Coca is a miner’s best friend whilst he is working underground, along with a small bottle of pure alcohol which he drinks daily to fight the sadness caused by such a bleak, lonely existence.
On the way to Cerro Rico, the miner purchases a few sticks of dynamite which, together with his pickaxe, are his only means of removing the minerals from the dark heart of the mountain.
After securing his headlamp and helmet, he heads for the statue of the Tio which guards every one of the network of some 200 tunnels cut into Cerro Rico.
Heavily superstitious, the miners believe that since the mines are underground, they must be the property of the devil or Tio (uncle), to whom they make a daily offering of coca and alcohol.
With temperatures often reaching 40 degrees Celsius, comparisons to hell are hardly surprising.
Once the miner has filled his carts with ore, ‘assistants’ hoist them to the surface using manual lifts, then transport them out on the mine in wooden carts, pushed along antiquated wooden rails.
These ‘assistants’ are usually younger members of the miner’s family, some as young as ten years old. It is physically demanding labour, for which they are paid considerably less than a miner.

Life expectancy
There is no protection against the poisonous gases which pervade the mines, causing illnesses such as silicosis and asbestos poisoning. Due to these illnesses and accidents within the mine, the average life expectancy here is around 40 years old, yet little alternative employment exists in this barren highland landscape.
To gain a state pension, a miner has to have lost at least 50 per cent of his lung capacity, which means he will be constantly struggling to breathe and likely be near death.
When the mines were nationalised, following the Bolivian revolution of 1952, there was free healthcare, health insurance, pensions and basic safety measures.
These have vanished, thanks to neo-liberal reforms in the 1980s and 90s, which forced the closure of most of Bolivia’s state mines. Thousands of miners lost their jobs and hard-won concessions and benefits were forfeited.

Co-ops
When I asked Willy, a former miner now working in tourism in Potosi, about modern mining co-operatives, he pointed to a well-dressed man getting out of a brand new four-wheel drive and then to a group of miners struggling to unload cartloads of rocks.
“These men are members of the same co-operative”, he said bitterly.
He explained that when the state moved out of the mines in the 90s, small groups of ex-miners formed co-operatives and occupied different parts of Cerro Rico. Each original co-operative member could then sub-contract other miners to work in his part of the mine; the sub-contracted miner is incorporated into the co-operative and is officially on equal footing with the founder, but in reality he can only keep 50 per cent of the minerals he extracts. The other 50 per cent goes to the founder of the co-operative.
Thus, there is a huge disparity in earnings, with original members earning up to ten times more than new integrants.
Status as a co-operative also leads to added labour complications; miners cannot strike to improve conditions because officially they have no employer to strike against and trouble-making workers are forcefully removed.

Nationalisation
Bolivian President Evo Morales came to power last year promising to nationalise the mining sector, but he has been met with strong opposition from mining co-operatives.
Ordinary miners, though in favour of the nationalisation, are scared to speak out for fear of losing their jobs, says Willy.
But even nationalisation may come too late for Potosi, whose minerals may provide only another 30-40 years’ subsistence and whose mines are on their last legs.
The world has changed greatly since the Spanish arrived in Potosi 400 years ago but the heartbreaking, slave-like existence of Potosi’s Quechua-speaking indigenous miners has changed very little.

Corrupt local officials threaten protestors

On 24 May, in Cochabamba, Bolivia, activists from the CWI Bolivian section and left-wing youth organisation Red Tinku were attacked in the city’s central Plaza by plainclothes thugs hired by the prefecture, or regional government.
The police did nothing as bystanders were threatened and a political noticeboard, one of the few sources of alternative media in a city drowned out by establishment voices, was forcibly removed.
Days later, police arrested CWI activist Adam Ziekowski as he distributed leaflets outside the university, threatening to charge him with incitement to violence and sedition.
A US national, he has also been threatened with deportation.
Yet he engaged in no violence and is here legally, on a scholarship basis to study Bolivian social movements.
Other activists have also been threatened, followed and photographed in what seems to be a concerted effort to silence critics of state governor Manfred Reyes Villa, who stands accused of corruption and theft of public property, and is one of several right-wing governors hellbent on undermining Evo Morales and his programme of change.
In January he sparked huge protests when he threatened to annul results of a referendum in which Cochabamba rejected calls for more political autonomy from central government.
Two people were killed in the ensuing clashes between armed right-wing gangs, organised campesinos and police.
n Protests against Adam’s arrest and these other blatant infringements of free speech and assembly can be sent to Manfred Reyes Villa at: prefectura@prefecturacochabamba.gov.bo

back to index

—page twelve—

Royal mail workers demand bosses deliver a fair deal

by Richie Venton

Over 90 per cent of the 24,000 Scottish members of the Communication Workers Union (CWU) struck on 29 June, as part of a resoundingly successful UK-wide 24-hour stoppage against attacks on pay, jobs, pensions and the entire postal service.
Royal Mail bosses tried to belittle the impact, claiming most post offices remained open.
But the Mail Centres which process mail, the Delivery Offices where posties operate from, and even several Crown Post Offices were brought to a shuddering halt by the scale of the strike - with only a skeleton force of scab managers brought in to drive vans.
Not only was virtually every worker in the giant Springburn and Edinburgh Mail centres on strike, but they also mounted the largest picket lines for years, where processing workers were joined by drivers, engineers, customer service staff and others who were not even balloted.
Pickets at Delivery Offices saw young, temporary summer season posties, who had just joined the union, line up alongside veterans of over 20 years.
A rota system meant not a single scab manager passed through unnoticed.
At Glasgow’s Baird Street, derisory cheers and whistling went up when the manager couldn’t master the up/down buttons on the tailgate of the van he was driving.
Delegations visited each others picket lines, passing on information and adding to the sense of solidarity.
All appreciated the support shown to them by the SSP, the only political party to step up to the plate.
This, the first national postal workers’ strike since 1996, was provoked by Royal Mail bosses, who want to impose a cost-cutting business plan that would massacre 40,000 jobs and slash pay through below-inflation pay rises, and which threatens the entire postal service, through wholesale closures of Mail Centres, Delivery Offices and hundreds of local post offices.
Royal Mail chief executive Adam Crozier this year got a 25 per cent increase on his base salary, with a total pay package worth £1.1million.
Yet he and sidekick Allan Leighton had the gall to say posties, on an average of £323 a week, are “25 per cent overpaid and 40 per cent underworked”.
As Glasgow postie Davy put it, “The top six directors are on £3m, but all they want is more work from less workers.”
Fellow picket George added, “senior management...would prefer this Delivery Office to be part-time only.
“We do the city centre business walk first, then domestic deliveries after, but they would like to cut it back to only part-time staff.
“And Leighton has wanted to provoke a strike from his first day in the job.”
Bosses cite unfair competition as the reason they have to cut costs - by £1.5billion over the next five years.
Says Andy Bell, CWU Area Rep for drivers in Glasgow, “They did not have to reach an agreement with private operators, but they did so. The EU voted not to open up postal services to this competition until 2010, yet the UK did so in 2006.”
What most of the public don’t understand is the cruel con-trick behind the entrance of competitors.
Andy explains: “The big loss of revenue for Royal Mail is Downstream Access Agreements (DSA), which they negotiated with competitors when they didn’t have to.
“Under that arrangement, TNT pick up bulk mail from businesses, take it to their machinery for one very basic sorting, then deliver it to Royal Mail Centres, like Springburn, where Royal Mail workers re-segregate the mail twice, where it is then driven to Delivery Offices by Royal Mail drivers, and then delivered door-to-door by Royal Mail posties.
“Royal Mail used to get 23 pence an item. TNT undercut them with businesses by charging 21p. And now Royal Mail only get 13p off TNT for sorting and delivering.”
No wonder Royal Mail is facing a financial black hole whilst profits for private operators rocket - by 69 per cent in the second half of 2007, compared to the first half.
They are effectively subsidised by the government, Royal Mail and its workforce, who endure backbreaking walks thanks to the increased bulk of what they deliver.
Most workers feel that Royal Mail bosses, led by Leighton and Crozier, are out to smash the union, spending a fortune on DVDs and videos trying to bamboozle workers into ignoring the strike, and falsely accusing the CWU of seeking a 27 per cent pay rise.
Strikers had a host of reasons for taking this industrial action - from paltry pay to terrible job insecurity to the sense that this 150-year-old service is being run down in a bid to sell it off in lots to private companies.
Engineers in Glasgow’s Mail Centre have noted the gradual erosion of jobs and now the total halt to apprentices being taken on.
After decades of failure to invest, Royal Mail has less than half the rates of mechanisation of its competitors.
And on the eve of the strike, Postcomm chief executive Sarah Chambers spoke of how “sympathetic” the regulator - supposedly set up to protect universal postal services - is to the ideas of reducing guaranteed daily deliveries from 6 to 5 days a week, and of ending door-to-door deliveries in blocks of flats.
She said the current set-up is too much of a ‘Rolls Royce service’ compared to that in some European countries.
No mention of the ‘Ford Fiesta’ wages suffered by the Royal mail workforce compared to much of Europe.
Further strikes loom, as the bosses dig their heels in.
CWU members have a proud record of respecting other workers’ picket lines.
They deserve the universal support of fellow-trade unionists, through collections, solidarity messages and action in support of their just cause.

All change at the Voice

When Jo Harvie became editor of the Scottish Socialist Voice in the summer of 2004, no-one could have predicted the turmoil into which the SSP was about to be pitched, thanks to the wilful actions of one man.
And it is testament to Jo’s enormous talent, her political judgement and sensitivity, and enduring commitment to truth and socialism that the Voice remains today, stronger than ever and maintaining excellent standards in the face of minimal staffing and resources.
She faced down attacks from Sheridan and his sudden allies, who tried to torpedo the SSP’s newspaper, as a means of weakening the SSP itself. Not only that, but her encouragement and kindness have brought so many new contributors on board the paper, broadening its base and making it more powerful in its diversity.
Contributors and readers alike will be sorry to see Jo go, as will the Voice staff, who will miss her humanity and humour, not to mention her unstinting hard work.
Simon Whittle is also leaving us, much to our dismay.
It is to Simon’s credit that the Voice looks the way it does today - a modern, dynamic-looking publication that more than stands out against the wall of grim, black and red, traditional socialist papers. The Voice’s design reflects its editorial commitment to accessibility, inclusiveness and optimism, which in turn mirrors the SSP itself, and its importance cannot be overstated.
Over the years, Simon’s skills have been expertly honed, and the Voice has been the beneficiary.
We will miss his technical know-how and considerable talent, but we will also miss him as a friend and somebody to go for a fag with.
We wish them both the very best in all their future endeavours.
Remember - the Voice is now fortnightly!
As reported in Issue 308, the Voice is now a fortnightly publication. We will be taking our annual summer break after this issue - the Voice will return on 8 August.
If you are interested in writing for the Voice or taking a regular subscription, get in touch on 0141 221 7333 or drop us a line at voice.editorial@btconnect.com


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