Scottish Socialist Voice
Issue 316
23rd November 2007

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front page

Murdered by the British Government

by Ken Ferguson

The verdict that Glasgow soldier Gordon Gentle was unlawfully killed in Iraq three years ago, which follows the conviction of the Met over the Stockwell shooting, punctures Brown’s ‘war on terror’ rhetoric.
For behind the lace collars and scarlet tunics of the state opening of Westminster stands a government up to its neck in imperialist war and set on further attacks on civil liberties.
This is the common thread in the tragedies of Gordon Gentle and Jean Charles De Menezes.
If Blair - and his willing henchman Brown - had not opted to act as the White House’s  poodle in Iraq, both deaths would have been avoided.
The truth is that, far from making the world safer, the imperialists have created an arc of instability and death in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan and are gearing up for war in Iran.
And as they demand public backing we should remember that sheer incompetence in the army’s equipment chain caused Gordon Gentle’s death while the supposedly cool ‘shoot to kill’ Met’s control at Stockwell was chaotic and saw Jean Charles executed.
Taken alongside fables about non-existent WMDs and Afghan operations in which troops wouldn’t “fire a shot”, it all amounts to a policy mired in blood and doomed to defeat.
On the eve of the Remembrance Day ceremonies commemorating the millions who have died in war it is vital that the message gets home to the politicians.
No more death, bring the troops home and end the assault on civil rights.
Give peace a chance.

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page two

Civil servants ballot to strike

by Richie Venton

Civil service workers have voted by a resounding 68 per cent majority for further strike action against New Labour’s pay cuts, jobs slaughter, privatisation and decimation of the public services they deliver.
These members of the Public and Commercial Services union (PCS) have already staged two powerful one-day strikes in January and May, and have now given a huge mandate to their union leadership to step up the action, through both industrial and political pressure on Gordon Brown and his axe-wielders.
As we go to print the PCS national executive committee is meeting to plan what form the immediate revival of industrial action should take - whether one day, two days, and if possible in conjunction with other public sector unions, whose members are equally the targets of New labour’s capitalist fundamentalism.
The anger of civil service workers will have been added to by recent reports that, at a time when the government plans to wipe out 25,000 jobs in Revenue and Customs by 2011, every tax-worker can bring in at least three times their salary in government revenue.
As Gerry McMahon, a Glasgow Department for Work and Pensions worker told me, “It’s not as if we are asking for money to be spent on the civil service by taking it away from health or education. Cuts to our members’ jobs only add to tax evasion by the multi-millionaires, depriving our public services of funding.
“Diabolical pay offers have been handed out in various departments. In the DWP, management have just imposed a pay deal - after the staff rejected it by three to one in a democratic ballot. It means that those long-serving staff on the maximum of pay scales will only get 2 per cent this year, 1 per cent next year and a zero rise the third year.
“That is appalling when you take account of inflation - and it is the result of New Labour’s vicious pay ceiling of 2 per cent for the whole public sector.”
And just to rub salt into these low-paid workers’ wounds, the pay of the top bosses in the FTSE 100 companies has doubled in five years; they now ‘earn’ an average of £3million each!
PCS members will think there is something rotten about a Labour government that wasted £2billion on private consultants last year alone, as part of their drive to privatisation of services.
And they will increasingly see through the pathetic lies of Labour that they only want to cut civil service bureaucracy and improve frontline services - especially with the recent revelation that Citizens Advice Bureaux are issuing food vouchers due to delays in the receipt of benefits - because of staff cuts already carried through.
SSP members in PCS will continue to be at the heart of building united action to halt Labour’s pillage of public services, and when civil service staff take strike action, they deserve the fullest solidarity from other workers.

Government stoking extremism

by Eddie Truman

After a four week trial and a nine hour jury deliberation, Scotland has its first home grown Islamic terrorist plot and plotter.
Mohammed Atif Siddique was sentenced to eight years in prison on three terrorism charges, all of which are related to documents available on the internet.
During the trial there was no evidence produced that Siddique was involved in planning any violence; a spokesman for Central Scotland Police said there was “no evidence that Siddique was involved in an actual terrorist plot”.
In the days after he was found guilty, the Scottish press carried ever more sensational claims about what Siddique was going to do if he had not been arrested and repeatedly referred to him as an “al-Qaeda-linked terrorist”.
The Scotsman suggested he “may” have been planning an attack in Canada while the right wing tabloids were absolutely sure he was going to behead the Canadian Prime Minister.
Lawyer Aamer Anwar said Siddique was doing what millions of people did every day: “looking for answers on the internet”.
He added: “Atif Siddique states that he is not a terrorist and is innocent of the charges and it is not a crime to be a young Muslim angry at global injustice.”
Clearly the British state does regard it as a crime to be an angry young Muslim and the eight year sentence handed to Siddique was undoubtedly intended as a warning to Muslims not to step out of line.
BNP candidate Robert Cottage was recently found guilty of possessing bomb making chemicals and was sentenced to two and a half years.
But there’s a point that needs to be made here about the people of Glasgow’s previous relationship to and support for terrorism.
All through the Irish war, the ‘troubles’ as they are known, every Friday and Saturday night teams of people would methodically move through the bars and clubs of Glasgow frequented by both Catholics and Protestants and collect money for organisations who were actively involved in acts of violence.
In an era before the internet, predominantly young men would obsessively collect information on the activities of both Loyalist and Republican armed groups.
This was something that went on pretty much unhindered by the state and yet, in 21st century Scotland, to have video footage on a computer of insurgents in Iraq is to be guilty of supporting terrorism.
This verdict will do more to push young, disaffected Muslims into the arms of extremist groups than any number of Jihadist DVDs on sale on the internet.
While right wing extremist groups openly use the internet to threaten groups and individuals with violence, publishing home addresses for example, the police and security services are using the draconian powers available to them to target angry young Muslims with footage from Iraq on their computers.
What we don’t get to hear about are the many family, friends and relatives of such people who are also being arrested and held without charge for days on end under the Terrorism Act, people whose only crime is to be a Muslim.
Official government figures covering 2005/6, the first since the 7 July 2005 bombings on London, show a big increase in the use of stop and search powers, with Asian people bearing the brunt. One force, City of London, carried out 6,846 stops of pedestrians and vehicles without finding enough evidence to justify a single arrest.
n Eddie Truman is co-founder of Islamophobia Watch www.islamophobia-watch.com

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page three

SALMOND WARNS OF ‘TOUGH’ BUDGET

by Ken Ferguson

Addressing the SNP conference in Aviemore for the first time from a position of power, First Minister Salmond struck a confident note.
In reality it is a stark illustration of how far to the right New Labour has taken Scottish public life that the SNP’s modest social democratic moves are viewed as radical.
However, whatever view you take of the new Scottish Government it is hard to quarrel with the fact that Salmond has played an extremely skilful game with limited cards.
Mind you, he is ably assisted by Labour’s Alexander duo, with Wendy saying sorry for losing the Scottish elections while brother Dougie says sorry for nearly wrecking them.
Even the tame hacks of the Holyrood press corps are looking on in disbelief at the ham-fisted, petulant outbursts which pass for opposition from the depleted Labour benches.
But this is nothing against the brazen cheek of one time Edinburgh MP and Scottish Secretary Malcolm Rifkind as he cranks up a campaign to protect English voters from Scottish votes.
This from the man who imposed the Poll Tax on Scotland through English MPs on behalf of the detested Margaret Thatcher.
Now representing the millionaires of Kensington and Chelseain in the mother of parliaments, Rifkind’s call for English votes for English laws is plunging the traditional Scots Tory unionists into despair.
Meanwhile, with plummeting poll ratings and yet another leadership crisis, the LibDems must now be wistfully rueing their high-handed spurning of government seats in Edinburgh.
The pathetic attempt by Nicol Stephen to smear Salmond’s contacting all nations signing the non-nuclear treaty on the grounds that some aren’t democratic just confirms that their nice guy image is simply a façade.
And then there are the Greens who fared only slightly better than the left in May and who, despite adding limited weight to Salmond’s support, have yet to make much in the way of public impact.
Faced with these conditions Salmond should be looking for plain sailing, discounting the odd slap on the wrist in the Holyrood chamber.
But amidst the back slapping in Aviemore the First Minister was shrewd enough to flag up tough times ahead and, of course, lay the ground for an attack on Westminster for starving Scotland of cash.
There is little doubt that a squeeze is coming and that is before the impact of falling house prices, soaring prices and a falling dollar feeds into consumer spending.
The key question, as always in tough times, is - who pays?
Again Salmond dropped a broad hint when he flagged up plans to cut out quangos and, presumably jobs. In his speech his was building on the line much beloved among supposed ‘thinkers’ that the problem is a ‘bloated’ public sector.
This view has been put by finance minister Swinney and commands enthusiastic support among the economic gurus responsible for the intellectual pages of the Scotsman.
However the early pointers are that this issue could become a flashpoint with union unease spotlighted by the normally consensus inclined Scottish TUC.
During the May elections the SNP made much of the fact that they had been backed by former Royal Bank chief Sir George Mathewson and went on to appoint him to lead its economic advisers after they won.
But Sir George didn’t win any friends at the STUC when he put his free market views to MSPs.
The STUC was scathing:
“The level of ignorance displayed by Sir George is appalling. He describes UK employment law as ‘frightening’ and the associated ‘red-tape’ as ‘horrendous’.
“He therefore wilfully ignores the substantial body of international comparative evidence demonstrating the opposite to be true.
“The STUC hopes that this intervention does not signal that the work of the Committee of Economic Advisors (CoEA) is to be characterised by an approach favouring prejudice and ideology over authoritative academic study.
“The STUC warned that including business representatives on the Council was dreadfully short sighted. The Scottish Government should have stuck to its guns and established a CoEA based on the US model promoted in its manifesto.
“The sort of arrant nonsense spouted by Sir George merely embarrasses the Council and by association the Government. We desperately need to do better than this.”
All that before a job has been cut or a service threatened!
Even assuming that the SNP intends to deliver on its promises it is increasingly clear that the gathering economic storm will be difficult to navigate without confrontation.
Despite losing its MSPs the activist tradition of the SSP has already seen members actively offering solidarity to posties and care workers in struggle and more such work lies ahead.
Following its highly successful Dundee conference the SSP is clearly up for the challenge of the developing political struggle ahead.

Defending the right to choose

A number of pro-choice activists gathered outside the Scottish Parliament on Thursday 25 October to state their support for safe, legal abortion. The event was part of ‘Pro-Choice Week’, marking 40 years since the 1967 Abortion Act.
The assembled group heard from the speaker that Westminster’s Science Committee had rejected calls for a shortening of the time limit for abortion, on the grounds that, despite a lot of noise in the media from anti-abortion groups, there is no real evidence to support the restriction.
In response to whispers that the SNP government plans to call for abortion law to be devolved in order to restrict access in Scotland, demonstrators said that such a move had no place in a modern Scotland.

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page four

Saving the world... locally

by Roz Paterson

If a Martian dropped down to the UK for the day and opened any lifestyle supplement or glossy mag, he could only assume that we were in the throes of an immense, green revolution, with everyone furiously composting and recycling, our every hovel and castle studded with solar panels, our every unit of electricity sourced from offshore windfarm vegan cooperatives.
But it’s not like that, is it?
Britain remains a nation of energy inefficient housing, overheated and overlit shops, food miles, overpackaging, traffic jams and skies darkened by budget flights. In truth, we’re about as green as a bunch of pulpy bananas freighted in from the Windward Isles.
The green revolution, such as it is, is only happening at a very superficial level. Yet it is highly visible - because it is being conducted by the affluent middle-classes.
One of the characteristics that distinguishes the middle classes is the emphasis on individualism. On private, rather than collective, actions. Thus Thatcher’s famous call to abandon society and look after your own (“There is no such thing as society, only individuals and families”), suited the aspiring middle Englanders right down to the ground.
It was, after all, so much easier to buy into privatisation and anti-trade union laws if you first abandon any sense of communal responsibility.
Unfortunately, this individualism is now so ingrained that even halting global warming is tackled on a person-by-person basis, through cloth shopping bags and home composting (good), shopping at ‘green’ stores (not so good if they’re multinational chainstores) or buying ‘green’ brands (again, kind of pointless if the profits are going to planet-trashing corporations), or shelling our for carbon-offsetting schemes and ‘eco-tourism’ holidays in resorts 7000 miles away (ahem).
But spending, even ethically and eco-consciously, is no way to change the world. They didn’t overthrow the Tsars through an elaborate system of organic box schemes, let’s face it.
It’s obvious how we got here; environmentalism began to gather a head of steam and corporations found a way to market it right back at us. Spending money, after all, is a pretty classic way of salving your conscience if you’ve got plenty of it to spare and, of course, don’t really want things to change, given that the status quo suits you just fine, thanks.
More difficult to answer is the question; how do we get somewhere better?
The first major challenge is to wrest the environmental movement from its middle-class niche, and make it relevant and accessible to everyone.
One of the problems, historically, is that environmentalism has been regarded as a peripheral concern, something you worry about when everything else is in place. It’s hard to lose sleep over vanishing marine life when the damp in your house is giving your children asthma.
And hard to connect with environmental organisations that urge you to switch to low energy lightbulbs and eat seasonal produce when your life is dogged by job insecurity, bad health and screaming poverty.
Yet, ironically, the destruction now being wrought as a result of environmental degradation is disproportionately visited on the poorest, most powerless people on the planet, from the hand-to-mouth fishing communities now being drowned by rising seas, to inner city ghettoes sickened by toxic waste and traffic fumes, to low income families now living in uninsurable floodplain housing and waiting for the next torrential summer to render them permanently homeless.
In short, environmental degradation may well be the cause of much job insecurity, bad health and screaming poverty. But who’s joining the dots?
A handful of environmental initiatives have done, but they are woefully few and far between.
The famous anti-M77 protest in Glasgow in the 1990s made the link, in a campaign that married the cause of social justice with that of environmental responsibility, highlighting just how further impoverished the local, working-class communities would be thanks to the presence of a multi-laned, gridlocked motorway extension that precious few locals would even use.
Meanwhile, in New York’s South Bronx, residents linked arms in a drive to reclaim their riverside, after decades, from the toxic polluters, and restore it to commonly-held green space. In turn, this fight for fresh air and space developed into a community-wide bid for better food, less traffic, more rights. In time, who knows what fruits may spring from this seed of collective action?
What is so encouraging about the South Bronx example is that it was a campaign that began about one thing, but then grew arms and legs and became about everything.
Which is where interventions, such as Friends of the Earth’s very laudable and important collaboration with local communities in the North East of England to prevent the dismantling of two ‘ghost ships’ in Hartlepool, which would have unleased 800 tonnes of toxic waste into the local landfill, have their limitations.
They will only wreak deep and permanent change if the local communities take ownership of these issues and learn how to stand up to the corporate bullies and government thugs as a collective force.
To learn how to feel powerful after lifetimes of feeling powerless.
Organisations like FoE can give them the toolkit, but ultimately, the communities must find the will to use it.
So how to galvanise communities into collective action to improve the local environment and, ultimately, take on the world?
Local issues are key, and every area has one, from polluted, rubbish-filled rivers to shiny new incinerators belching poison into the clean morning air. People are much more likely to be engaged over something they can see and smell than a seemingly arbitrary argument about carbon usage and how this relates to the carrier bags they lug home from Asda.
But, in time, these latter issues won’t seem so arbitrary. The one great lesson of environmentalism is that everything is connected, and we all need each other very much.
The likes of Zac Goldsmith, the millionaire editor of The Ecologist and a prospective Tory candidate, may be very visible in their greenery, but it is from the ground that the real seed of change will grow.

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page five

Day care workers speak out

“People build their lives around our service”

As the Day Care strike continues in Glasgow, Jo Harvie speaks to the workers fighting to protect their wages against Labour cuts.

On the first properly cold, hat and scarf day of the year, eight Glasgow City Council workers are stamping their feet and blowing clouds of warm breath on to their frozen fingers, outside of a grey, square corporation building.
Normally these workers care for people with learning difficulties, including many with profound disabilities, in the council’s 12-day centres spread across the city. But this is the second week of their all-out strike, and while the council refuse to get involved in talks, the people they care for are marooned in their homes and the workers are rattling buckets for their strike fund.
These days nobody is ever quick to take strike action, but even less so people who work in a caring role.
“People build their lives around our service,” says ‘G’, one of the strikers. We can’t tell you her real name, or the name of any of her colleagues, because their contract stipulates that they can’t be publicly critical of the council.
Four of the strikers the Voice speaks to have, between them, 81 years in this job. “People stay in this job,” says ‘A’. “You build relationships with the people you work with. They come to us at 18 or 19 years old, when they’ve finished school, and we care for them for the rest of their life.
“Some of these families have been coming to us for 20 years. We’re close. People with Downs Syndrome, for example, have shortened lives. There are people who I’ve worked with since they were children who would be considered elderly now.”
‘J’ describes helping clients to put together memory books. “You realise that we are their memories,” she says.
“Their relationship with us can last longer than their relationship with their parents,” adds A.
They are genuinely missing their work, and the people they work with. But although they clearly have a lot of conflicted feelings, they are nonetheless utterly determined to see out their industrial action. They are furious with the council.
The strike is over pay - not for more money, but to stop the council axing a massive £3000 from their salaries. Deputy and locality managers face a £6000 wage cut.
This extraordinary attack on their wages results from the council’s botched attempt to address illegal, unequal pay for women.
There is a sting in the tail of their half-efforts to meet their obligation to underpaid women workers - and workers like those in the day centres are feeling the pain. The irony that the majority on this picket line are women doesn’t escape.
“Women have been underpaid by the council for decades,” explains J. “But they’re taking money from some women to pay back what they’ve stolen from others.”
This strike is also infused with fears for the future of the city’s day service. As the strike began, the council announced a ‘consultation’ on a major overhaul of the service, which they intend to finish by Christmas. They had promised to fully involve staff, service users and their carers - but at the moment the council isn’t speaking to the striking staff, and can’t speak to service users and carers because the shut down day centres are their main point of contact.
Some of the strikers speculate that the threat to wages is to force them to comply with the vague plans for reform. “If the proposals are as positive as they’re making out,” asks M, “then why the thumbscrews?”
At the moment, there is no concrete plan, but the talk is of closure of the majority of the day centres, to be replaced with service ‘hubs’, and concentrating on getting service users into education and employment. The staff are sceptical, to say the least.
Day centres already offer all kinds of services, explains J, including literacy and numeracy, cooking and other life skills, and varying types of therapy. They are points of contact with medical professionals, such as chiropodists, and also the place where care is co-ordinated, problems can be uncovered and dealt with.
But, perhaps fundamentally, they offer a social atmosphere. The day centres, to those that use them, are their own space, where they meet friends, where they choose what they want to do, where they learn to express themselves freely amongst their own peer group and their personality grows and develops.
“They can be head of the gang if they want to!” says J. “They can be the karaoke singer, rather than just clapping along.”
The workers are concerned that along with work or educational opportunities, the service users will still need this social space. “Our service is a safe place to try from, and a safe place to come back to if it doesn’t work out.”
The reasoning the council has given for their barefaced robbery of the day care workers’ salaries is sudden disregard of their qualifications. Their new profile simply specifies “reading and writing”. That doesn’t fill them with confidence for the service they are to offer in the future.
But for now, they just want to get back to doing what they do well, as long as they are paid the wage they are due. On this picket line there is plenty of support from passing public - cars, lorries and buses tooting their horns, and people chucking handfuls of coins into their buckets - and it’s keeping their spirits up, even although winter is setting in around them.
A week later, I meet the same group of strikers surrounded by 200 of their colleagues at an incredibly noisy rally outside the city chambers, this time drenched by rain, but no less determined. “We’ve got to be up for the long fight,” says G. “We’ll take it as far as we have to.”
What do you want to say to the council, I ask. J answers, with her face set in a frown that suggests there’s no way she’s giving a newspaper the fully honest answer to that.
“Just say, we’re looking forward to them opening negotiations.”

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centre pages

The people’s revolutionary

This year marks the 40th anniversary of the death of Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara.
Brian H Pollitt, who spent time with Che in Cuba, looks back at the life of socialism’s most iconic figure.

On 9 October 1967, Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara was murdered in the schoolhouse of the Bolivian village of La Higuera.
He had been captured some 24 hours before. Encircled by U.S.-trained Bolivian Rangers, he had tried to fight his way out but was rendered helpless when a bullet disabled his M-2 carbine while another wounded him in the leg. High-level discussions between the C.I.A. and the Bolivian military junta in La Paz concluded with the latter’s decision to execute their prisoner. Sergeant Mario Terán - fortified by alcohol - carried out the task.
Death was not immediate. Terán had been instructed that Che was officially to have ‘died of his wounds’ and while his initial burst of gun fire felled him, it was with multiple wounds to the arms and legs. He was killed with later shots to the chest.

Martyr of the poor
Representatives of the Bolivian High Command then took a decision they were later to regret. When captured, Che had been unkempt and emaciated and in death lay crumpled on a dirt floor. The Junta wished it to be unmistakeably clear that they had in fact killed the legendary Che Guevara.
His body was therefore flown to the neighbouring town of Vallegrande, where he was stripped to the waist and cleaned and his hair was washed and com bed.
When put on display to be photographed by the international media, the corpse - with opened eyes - was thus clearly that of Che Guevara. But for many the image was also evocative of the figure and sacrifice of Jesus Christ and in rural Bolivia and more widely, the dead Guevara came to be seen not as a failed Communist guerrilla leader but as a martyr in the cause of the poor and oppressed.
In future years he was thus more generally revered than reviled - and by some even sanctified.
Rumours of Che’s death spread swiftly within Cuba but were sceptically received.
He had disappeared from public view in 1965 and the international press had already reported him killed more than once in Africa and in the Dominican Republic. Moreover, during Cuba’s revolutionary war, Che had appeared to have a charmed life, acting with great tactical audacity and causing his Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro to reprimand him for his total disregard for his personal safety. He could be - and was - wounded but otherwise he seemed indestructible.  In one famous incident, when commanding the guerilla column that besieged and took the key provincial capital of Santa Clara in December 1958, he had maintained contact with his forces by casually walking around the city’s main square under the eyes (and guns) of a contingent of Batista’s troops corralled on, and firing from, the top floor of the city’s main hotel.
Some days after 9 October, however, in a televised address to the nation, Castro confirmed Che’s death, showing the photographs of his body as it had been displayed by the Bolivian military.
The next day the now-iconic Korda photograph, taken in 1960, was published nationally for the first time as the black-bordered back page of the newspaper Granma.

Memorial in Havana
A few days later, on the evening of Thursday 18 October, Castro addressed a Memorial meeting held in Havana’s Revolution Square.
 In contrast to official celebrations of important anniversaries of the Revolution such as the 26 July, no public holiday was declared and those attending the Memorial Meeting did so after their day’s work. Neither was any additional public transport laid on which - given Havana’s notoriously deficient bus service - meant that many would have to walk several miles to and from the Square.
It was not clear that dark evening just how many attended the Memorial meeting but those assembled numbered at least 400 thousand. Such an impressive manifestation of the esteem in which Che was held by the Cuban populace merited some explanation.
Che had come to Cuba as an unranked member of Castro’s expeditionary force in December 1956 and became recognized as a national figure only after the Revolutionary Government took power in January1959. As both his nickname and accent indicated, he was not Cuban but from Argentina and both then and now nationalist sentiments in Cuba were palpably strong. How then was he so rapidly to command an obvious and widespread popular admiration?
To begin with, it could be noted that Che Guevara was not the only foreigner to achieve prominence in Cuba’s long struggles for independence, firstly from Spain and then from the USA. In the 19th century, for example, General Máximo Gomez - a citizen of the Dominican Republic - had been a key military and political leader of Cuba’s insurrectionary forces. And, as Castro was swiftly to make clear after 1959, a powerful strand in Cuban nationalist thought had always sought not just insular but continental independence.

Personal courage
More important, of course, were particular facets of Che’s character that exercised a strong appeal for ordinary Cubans. His personal courage was evidently one of them.
Another was his physical stamina, particularly as this was demonstrated in unusually taxing circumstances. (That he suffered from crippling asthmatic attacks was well known). He was clearly a man of indomitable personal willpower.
His candour in the public airing of political or administrative problems - which distinguished him from the generality of political or administrative leaders - was also much appreciated.
A trivial anecdote serves to make the point: “How can socialism be respected if all we can make is this kind of rubbish?” he remarked in January 1963, when trying (in the presence of a visiting foreign delegation) to light his cigar with the first of several spluttering matches manufactured by his own Ministry of Industries.
Warming to his theme, he continued by recounting the efforts of fraternal Czechoslovak chemists to devise a formula adequate for Cuba’s production of an equivalent to Coca Cola. He deemed the resultant beverage to taste like “battery acid”.

Plain speaking
His distaste for the diplomatic niceties was displayed on more serious stages and graver issues when he represented the Cuban government on a visit to North Africa.
All of Cuba’s modern armaments had been supplied by the USSR free of charge and, in a widely reported discussion with Egyptian students and others, he criticized Cuba’s most important ally for requiring other anti-imperialist Third World countries to pay for Soviet weaponry.
He was censured for this at the highest political level within Cuba but versions of his tactless conduct were circulated and well-received on the streets.
Che was also recognized both to be an exceptionally hard worker and one who rejected the various perks available to those in high office.
When appointed President of the National Bank, his low opinion of monetary rewards - indeed of money itself - was signalled when Cuba’s newly printed bank notes appeared bearing his deliberately informal signature - Che.
When acting as Minister of Industries, the lights of his office were often seen burning late at night. (This was when he wrote most of the letters and articles that were to be published in nine volumes after his death). Visitors unfamiliar with his work regime could be disconcerted to find him presiding over early morning meetings in fatigues rumpled after a brief night’s sleep on his office couch. 

Respect
But one quality above all commanded the respect of ordinary Cubans: Guevara embodied in signal fashion the unity of words and deeds.
He was a great advocate of the supremacy of moral over material incentives in Cuba’s socialist development and his theoretical zeal in this sparked sharp debate in the country’s ideological journals. (For Marx, after all, the dominant distributive principle in the ‘first stage’ of socialist development had been a different one, namely: “From each according to his ability to each according to his work”).
For Che, the most important expression of moral incentives was unpaid voluntary work, especially in arduous tasks such as the manual cutting of sugar-cane. And in this, as in everything else he advocated, he matched his words with his actions, being found in the forefront of every kind of campaign where voluntary labour was mobilized to cut cane, dig ditches, work in the docks or shift 325lb bags in the warehouses of the sugar mills.

New Man
It was widely known that Che envisaged the creation of a ‘New Man’ as a prerequisite for the development of ‘true’ socialism.
This ‘New Man’ was an austere figure, equally accomplished as a producer or a warrior, and motivated by a passion to abolish poverty and oppression and to create, defend and spread socialist society.
What was recognized and respected within Cuba, of course, was that Che Guevara himself was the embodiment par excellence of all the attributes of that ‘New Man’. Many also realized that it was an idealistic creation. Old and young might be encouraged to ‘be like Che’ but few could actually become like him.
In his address to Cuba’s Memorial meeting of October 1967, Fidel Castro himself seemed to acknowledge this. He remarked, in his eulogy, that Che was “a man from another century”.

Icon
In the years following his death, Che was to become an increasingly familiar figure in a myriad of countries.
Korda’s iconic photograph was reproduced both more and less faithfully on countless banners, posters, walls and leaflets world-wide, spreading the legend of Guevara as a romantic, revolutionary hero whose name could be invoked in the most diverse conditions and for the most diverse causes.
Comparatively few of those embellishing their political actions with his physical image were well-versed in his writings on the theory and practice of socialism or on theories of revolutionary warfare. If they had been, they might have understood more clearly why, on the one hand, Che had reputable critics who dissented from many of his views, while, on the other, the French philosopher Jean Paul Sartre could describe him after his death as “the most complete human being of our age”. But in commemorating the 40th anniversary of his death, it seems enough for the moment to remember Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara as a principled internationalist  revolutionary whose courageous example still inspires multitudes in their struggles against poverty and oppression.

Che’s legacy helps his executioner

After his death, Che Guevara’s body was flown to Vallegrande to be photographed in the laundry house of the town’s small hospital.
This currently serves as the base for some 20 Cuban doctors who provide free medical assistance to the local population under Cuba’s programme of medical assistance to Bolivia.
Sergeant Mario Terán, who killed Che, spent the years that followed in hiding, fearful of retaliation.
In 2006, he was found to be virtually blind, having developed cataracts in both eyes.
His sight was restored by Cuban ophthalmic surgeons working in La Paz as part of the joint Cuban-Venezuelan sight-saving programme ‘Operacion Miraglo’.

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page eight

SSP declares: It’s good to talk!

‘Radical education methods’ have been buzz words of late in the SSP, bandied about so often they were almost in danger of being made clichéd before we got to see what they actually mean. But any cynics would have been blown away by Socialism 2007 on Saturday 20 October, which used a fully participative approach which got everyone talking.
Around 100 people, most SSP members but also a significant number of interested visitors, gathered in Dundee’s Caird Hall for a day of discussion prior to the SSP’s more formal conference.
The opening session shunned the usual grandstanding rally, instead gathering people in small groups to discuss to present state of the left in Scotland and where we go from here. Acknowledging the harsh troubles we’ve come through, it would have been hypocritical and pointless to force an audience to sit through a series of empty hurrahs - genuinely seeking to move forward meant everyone had to be involved from the outset.
Two blocks of workshops followed, covering subjects as diverse as carbon rationing, cultural hegemony, community campaigning and the rise of the ‘religious right’. Methods to prompt discussion included a film showing, and some who attended the ‘raunch culture’ workshop are still recovering from the images cut from magazines they were asked to look at and discuss.
A walk round Dundee, led by Mike Arnott of the local Trades Council, taking a look at the city’s vibrant working class history, was oversubscribed enough for Mike to take out a second group. Hope he didn’t end up with blisters.
The space for discussion also inspired plans for action, but for the most part those involved just really enjoyed the chance to share their views and hear from others. A feed back session at the end of the day established just how useful most had found the day in establishing a consensus for learning lessons of the past, moving the SSP on, and facing the tasks of the next tough period.
The official conference on the next day undoubtedly benefited from the wide-ranging debates of the day before. On Sunday morning 144 delegates registered for conference, bringing the total number of people involved in the weekend to 170.

Schools for thought
SSP and SSY member Thomas Swann gives his personal view of one of the main debates at SSP conference.
One of the most contentious motions at the party conference, held at the Caird Hall in Dundee on 21 October, was in fact also the first motion to be heard.
Although it was not so much the motion itself but rather a proposed amendment to it that resulted in a debate that raises issues that lie at the heart of socialist theory.
Motion A1 dealt with party’s policy on faith schools. While all were in agreement that such institutions ‘should be phased out as they result in separating children on the grounds of faith, which can only serve to alienate them from one another’, the delegates were not so united on the most adequate means to achieving this end.
This was brought out with respect to an amendment to the proposed motion from Glasgow North East branch. The amendment called on the conference to accept a gradual phasing out of faith schools through campaign work within local communities.
In effect, this would give the people who would be affected by such changes the final say on whether such action is to be taken.
This amendment was a call for ‘local democracy’ that was voted down by delegates. Although the motion was carried, the alteration that put the power squarely in the hands of the communities was not.
Instead, the conference opted for a more ‘statist’ approach, where the schools in question would be removed and replaced by an authority outwith the affected communities.
The case was argued for the statist approach by noting that within any community, the outcome of a democratic decision may not be desirable.
Any traditional vote on the issue would result in a tyranny of the majority both in the case of a community with a strong religious presence in terms of numbers, and of a community where the religious population is in a minority.
However, the movers argued not for a simple referendum on the issue.
Rather, their approach envisaged a role for the party in working within the communities in question and creating a space where arguments for and against faith schools can be heard and discussed, and allowing local people to decide based on a reasoned debate.
‘Only a local community in which a religious community is based (ie. the catchment area) should decide whether that school retain that status or not.’
This is about as radical as democracy comes, and may indeed be the only formulation that deserves the title ‘democratic’.
It is a position deeply rooted in Libertarian Communist theory and is properly characterised as not only for the people, but also of and by the people.
The alternative, a government that acts for the people, is symptomatic of, perhaps even essential to, a very influential strand of socialist thought, argued most famously by Lenin.
In this view, the state can be seen as a surgeon, that with the right people in control, namely, the party of the working class, can remove the organs in society that do not function well. These failing organs are then replaced with healthy ones.
The proponents of such an approach argue that institutions such as faith schools, whose existence are to the detriment of society, should be cut out and those that encourage equality and fairness created in their place.
This requires a privileged position, one akin to a surgeon’s where all the knowledge necessary for making a decision like whether to remove faith schools can be safely made.
A point of view is demanded where those wielding the surgeon’s knife know, and I stress know, the best action that is to be taken.
Whether such knowledge is achievable, and whether the statist approach is to be preferred to a more direct democratic one, are questions that will surely be debated in the near future.
As this debate commences, it is fortunate that the Scottish Socialist Party has the structure in place to allow such a debate to take place.
That the SSP is a party of mixed ideological commitments was blatantly clear during both the conference and Socialism 2007, that took place on the Saturday before the conference.
This event provided a forum where issues could be debate in the frank and respectful manner that is necessary to the functioning of a democratic and socialist party.
That a long period of discussion and an atmosphere of openness is needed by the party was recognised by delegates at both events. Only through this type of activity, coupled with those the SSP has always been involved in can we continue to work towards socialism.
As Colin Fox stated clearly in his convener’s address, “There never was a short cut to socialism. The advances of the party are to be made on the picket lines, in the communities, and in the worker’s struggles.”

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page nine

The last soldier

by Ken Ferguson

Dan Keating, who was the last surviving republican soldier of Ireland’s epic War of Independence of 1919-21, has died aged 105.
Keating, who died in his native Kerry on 3 October, refused to recognise the legitimacy of any Irish government, North or South, maintaining his loyalty to the all Ireland Republic proclaimed on the steps of Dublin’s GPO in Easter Week 1916.
Across the decades Keating watched successive fissures in the republican movement from Michael Collins to Gerry Adams veer from the path set out in 1916, but remained committed to the view that the Easter Week republic existed and continued to need to be defended.
At the time of his death Keating was Patron of Republican Sinn Fein (RSF), the party led by Ruairi O Bradaigh from which the Sinn Fein of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness split in 1986, to take up seats in the Dublin parliament.
Speaking to the BBC last March, he described the Northern peace process as “a joke”, adding:
“All the talk you hear these days is of peace. But there will never be peace until the people of the 32 counties elect one parliament without British interference.”
Keating was born on a small farm near Castlemaine in Kerry in 1902. The family was well respected for its active role in attacking landlords’ agents and defending the rights of tenant farmers.
He joined the youth wing of the IRA at 14 while working a in Tralee, and moved on to the adult movement in 1920 as the War of Independence flared and he took part in a series of fire-fights and ambushes. He always refused to comment on whether he had killed, saying:
“When you are involved in an ambush with a crowd of men, you wouldn’t know who killed who.”
In common with the vast majority of the Kerry IRA, he rejected the partition Treaty of 1921.
The majority of the anti-Treaty forces left, mainly for America, after losing the Civil War. But Keating stayed, found work as a barman in Dublin and became a leader of the Bar Workers’ Union.
He took his first drink at the age of 55 as an expression of disgust at the Pioneer Total Abstinence Association’s “treachery” in refusing to oppose longer hours for pub workers.
Kept under constant surveillance by the Irish Special Branch, he served stretches in prison, and in de Valera’s internment camp at the Curragh, and spent a year in London during World War Two trying to organise a bombing campaign.
He returned to live in Kerry in the 1960s with his late wife Mary, whom he had met in the visiting room of Mountjoy Prison, and remained active in republican politics.
“He had opinions about everything until he drew his last breath,” says one RSF figure, “especially about football and hurling.”
He died in his native county still refusing the pension from the Dublin government which was due to all war of independence veterans on the grounds that the Irish government was not, he still insisted, legitimate.

The Wild Brunch
Keef Tomkinson

Keef casts his eye across life’s more leisurely pursuits in order to put a wee bit of CULTure into our lives.

Ever get that thing when something distracts you and then what you are looking at or thinking of slips into what you’re saying or writing? Well apart from the usual racism of New Labour, opportunism of the SNP and cuddly Etonian-neo-nonsense of David Cameron, I’m distracted.
What on earth could distract me from three such strands of wretchedness? New York City.
I’m off on a fact-finding mission to see how strong the pound is against the dollar. My mission is to buy things, enjoy them, show them off and then see if I still hate that darn capitalism.
So this column will not only be a homage to the city, but a homage to lazy journalists and TV execs who know that the people like lists (they are also really easy to write and hopefully the editor will add some pics to pad it out).

Top Five NYC Movies

5. Taxi Driver - No film has ever quite managed to be so malevolently unsettling yet entrancing. De Niro will never be better than the distant insomniac taxi driver whose internalised fear, loathing and loneliness create a heroic sociopath.

4. Quick Change - All New York’s great landmarks are missing as Bill Murray and his fellow bank robbers desperately try and escape the city’s dysfunctional side streets and suburbs. An unheralded comedy classic.

3. Manhattan - Woody Allen’s career is mostly a love letter to New York. But of them all, Manhattan wins if only for its perfect first five minutes where Allen’s stumbling narration perfectly matches clips of street life.

2. Midnight Cowboy - Jon Voigt is Texan chump Joe Buck who arrives with dreams of being a highly paid male prostitute, adored by the city’s bored housewives. Soon he is giving blow jobs to students in a cinema and living on the streets with a fowl creature called Ratso, played by Dustin Hoffamn.

1. The Taking Of Pelham 123 - Walter Matthau leads the ultimate cast of New York character actors in this thriller with a dark comedic streak. Robert Shaw’s gang hijack a subway train and demand a ransom for the passengers. This is cinema’s perfect ode to 1970s New York.

Top Three NYC Books (or the three NYC books I’ve read)

3. The Rough Guide to New York: invaluable to first time visitors and keeps your excitement bubbling with a fascinating expose of the city.

2. The Catcher In The Rye: The story of a peculiar and unsettling young boy’s few days in the city where his demented delusions of grandness clash with his naivety and innocence.

1. Closing Time: Joseph Heller’s sequel to Catch 22 treats us to the same mocking of American values whilst introducing surrealist otherworldly storylines.

Top Five Songs Talking About NYC

6. Downtown - Petula Clark

5. Rockaway Beach - The Ramones

3. Union City Blue - Blondie (ok, it’s New Jersey, but **** you!)

2. Across 110th St - Bobby Womack

1. New York I love You But You’re Bringing Me Down - LCD Soundsystem

The Best NYC Water Feature Dedicated to the Former Wife of an American President

Just ahead of the Betty Ford Gin Fountain, it’s the Jackie Onassis Reservoir in Central Park. It glitters and is surrounded by a breathtaking skyline.

And that is that. Feel free to use this piece of the Voice to scrape chewing gum off your shoes and scoop up a dead spider from the sink. I promise to be angrier and more vitriolic next time.

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page ten

India rejects nuclear deal with Bush

Next to China, it is India which generates the biggest volume of ‘golly gee’ footage and air time for its supposed economic miracle powered by the wisdom of Kirkcaldy man Adam Smith.
The script for both countries - faithfully pumped across airwaves and newspaper columns daily - is that the toiling masses of these countries are about to be saved by capitalist economics.
Given that China still has a nominally communist regime, the story that India has apparently been converted to market wonders is a powerful weapon for the globalisers.
Powerful, but not entirely true.
One of the most compelling signals of the importance set on developing this trend came with the visit last year to New Delhi for the beleaguered George Bush.
In a startling announcement Bush unveiled a proposal for a US-India deal to allow access to civil nuclear power, despite the fact that it was only a matter of months after the sub continent’s two powers, Pakistan and India, had squared up in military confrontation.
The soft line was in stark contrast to US sabre rattling about similar developments of civil nukes, using Russian expertise, in Iran which has brought us close to military confrontation.
The reason, as usual with capitalists, is revealed if we follow the money.
India for much of the post independence period was close to the then Soviet Union and was committed to a path of national economic development.
With the post-Soviet collapse and the rise of unchallenged free markets, the world changed and India with it.
It was in the context of the confrontation between the globalisers and the millions of India’s poor who gained little from the ‘modernisation’ that the US nuclear deal became a flashpoint.
Apart from nuclear cooperation, the deal was geared toward partnership between India and the US in democracy promotion, the opening up of the Indian economy to unfettered market capitalism and a strategic military alliance.
The Washington architects of this alliance were particularly keen on the military alliance which has the potential to decisively impact on the strategic balance in Asia.
This was spelt out by US State Department official Christina Rocca, who said:
“Military-to-military cooperation is now producing tangible progress towards the objective of strategic, diplomatic and political cooperation as well as sound economic ties.”

Protests
It was this reality that sparked that a major campaign, led by India’s Communists, to defeat the nuclear deal.
As the battle over the deal gathered pace in India, the navies of the so-called Quad (Australia, India, Japan, and the US) held a war game off the western coast of India.
Communists seized on this to highlight the military and economic implications of the deal.
Protests were organised, one leaving Kolkata and the other from Chennai, to converge on the port city of Vishakapatnam on 8 September for a massive rally.
Back in Delhi a few days later, the Communist Party of India (Marxist)’s General Secretary, Prakash Karat, led a march to parliament and said, “we demand that the government not proceed with the deal unless it satisfies the people’s objections.”
On 12 October the Congress Party ran up the white flag with India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the leader of the United Progressive Alliance, Sonia Gandhi, telling the press that they would back down from the US-India nuclear deal.
“If the deal does not come through,” Singh said, “that is not the end of life. In politics, we must survive short-term battles to address long-term concerns.”
Despite the hype about the shiny new India there are now more people in extreme poverty than 15 years ago.
The World Health Organisation reported that a single ailment “conspires with the most deadly and painful diseases to bring a wretched existence to all who suffer from it”. This silent ailment is Z59.5, the WHO’s code for “extreme poverty”.
Despite the defeat over the deal we can expect the neo-liberals to continue to push their pro-market prescriptions, but what is equally assured is that the millions who oppose them have also drawn fresh confidence from the event.

UN votes for 16th time to halt US blockade of Cuba

For the 16th year in a row the United Nations general assembly has voted overwhelmingly to demand that the United States ends its 46-year-old illegal blockage of Cuba.
A resolution condemning the blockage was passed by 184 votes to four with one abstention. The four were the US, Israel, Palau and the Marshall Islands.
Cuba’s Foreign Minister, Felipe Perez Roque, accused the US of taking its “brutal economic war” to new heights and vowed to “never surrender”.
“The blockade had never been enforced with such viciousness as over the last year,” Mr Perez told the general assembly, accusing US President George W Bush’s administration of adopting “new measures bordering on madness and fanaticism” that have not only hurt Cuba but interfered with its relations with at least 30 countries.
The annual vote took place a week after Mr Bush had delivered his first major address on Cuban policy in four years, calling for a military coup in Cuba.
In his speech the White House warmonger openly called on Cuban forces to stage a coup promising that there would be “a place for you in a new Cuba”, if they rebelled.
The US has no diplomatic relations with Cuba, lists the country as a state sponsor of terror and has long sought to isolate it through its illegal blockade, which includes travel restrictions.
This year, it stepped up enforcement of financial sanctions aimed at anyone doing business with the socialist island.
US diplomat Ronald Godard claimed that it was “long past time” that the Cuban people enjoy what he called “the blessings of economic and political freedom”.
These will no doubt include US style ‘pay or pray’ health care, replacing the path-breaking socialised health service currently available to Cubans.
Mr Perez charged the US with violating international law, depriving Cuban children of medication and preventing Cuban writers from participating in a book fair in Puerto Rico, which he called “a barbaric act”.
The minister pledged Cuba’s solidarity with US film directors Oliver Stone, who was attacked by the US government for filming in Cuba, and Michael Moore, who is being investigated for visiting Cuba.
“It is McCarthyism of the 21st century,” Mr Perez Roque said of the Bush regime.

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page eleven

Britain spins out of Basra

by Ken Ferguson

Modern politics, with its 24/7 news feeds, is primarily about winning the public to a broad brush acceptance of your version of what is going on.
Nowhere is this more neatly illustrated in the current New Labour spin offensive to create the public impression that the Brits are evacuating Basra, leaving it in the capable hands of Iraqi PC Murdochs and about to exit Iraq entirely.
That’s why, in recent weeks, we have seen a parade of New Labour luminaries glad handing it with our boys and girls dressed in desert fatigues in Basra.
It is also what underpins the high profile TV footage of much military foot stamping and bugle playing as ‘we’ handed over our last Basra base to the British trained locals.
Even if it blew up in his face, Gordon Brown’s Iraq visit was clearly designed to reinforce the twin messages that the British have once again achieved their liberating mission and are now quietly withdrawing.
So, for the consumption of the increasingly anti-war UK public the soothing message is that while it was a bit messy at times the Tommies and Jocks have once again pulled it off and we will soon be gone from Iraq.
However there is just one, rather large, fly in the ointment - it isn’t true.

Border
As previously reported in the Voice, a considerable number of the supposedly ‘withdrawn’ troops have merely been repositioned from Basra to guard the increasingly tense Iraq/Iran border.
Readers only need recall the recent capture of Royal Navy personnel by Iranian revolutionary guards and the ensuing panic to start to get a flavour of what could lie ahead.
Add to that the possibility that a wounded and increasingly desperate Bush administration might, in its last few months in power, lash out at Iran either directly or via its Israeli allies, then the potentially explosive mixture is clear.
Indeed contrary to the spin, military experts have been making it clear that the prospect of a British pullout is remote.
General Peter Wall, deputy chief of defence - the second most senior British soldier - last week told MPs there was no further scope for “wholesale reductions” below the 2,500 figure recently announced by the prime minister.

Prop
However, he said some of those could be deployed outside Iraq by which he means that they will be billeted a few miles away in Kuwait despite the known reluctance of the small gulf state to discuss such a prospect.
“I wouldn't see the scope for wholesale reductions from the numbers that we have described, although perhaps more of that capability could be hosted outside southern Iraq if that were logistically advantageous,” General Wall told the Commons defence committee.
The thinking is that such forces would be safe from the daily mortar attacks in Iraq but available to prop up imperialist interests if necessary.
This is the reality of mealy mouthed New Labour talk of putting troops on ‘overwatch’ and pretending that Brown, and his part time Defence Secretary Des Browne, have a plan to get them out.
Indeed it was only recently revealed that there was a major tussle with the US military, lasting more than five months, over the limited pull out by UK forces from Basra.

“Pathetic”
Yet, if a new book is to be believed, none of this need have happened.
Blair Unbound, by Anthony Seldon, Peter Snowdon and Daniel Collings, to be published by Simon & Schuster next week claims that Bush offered to agree to Britain to staying out of the Iraq war, but rabid imperialist Blair committed UK troops because he thought it would look “pathetic” if the Brits stayed out.
According to the authors, Mr Bush was warned by the US embassy in London before the crucial Commons vote on the war that the Blair government could be brought down.
So worried was he about the fate of his warmongering soulmate that he picked up the US/UK hotline phone and personally offered the then Prime Minister an opt-out from the war.
Leading neo-con Condeleeza Rice is quoted as telling the authors of a conversation between Bush and Blair as follows:
“I remember standing in the Oval Office, and the President said, ‘We can’t have the British government fall because of this decision over war.’ I said, ‘So what are you saying?’
“He said, ‘I have to tell Tony that he doesn’t have to do this.’”
“What I want to say to you is that my last choice is to have your government go down,” Bush told Blair. “We don’t want that to happen under any circumstances. I really mean that.”
Bush told the Prime Minister that the UK could “drop out of the coalition” and the US would find some other way for Britain to participate, but Blair responded that the Brits were in, adding, “I said I’m with you. I mean it.”
With this touching scene carnage, terror and misery were launched on the people of Iraq by two Christian fundamentalists and the rest, as they say, is history.

Turkey’s invasion threat to Kurds risks splitting America’s coalition

by Ken Ferguson

Since the 2004 invasion and the mayhem that followed one part of Iraq has been relatively stable - the Kurdish north.
The Kurds were implacable enemies of the former Saddam regime, which subjected them to vicious repression including bombing with western supplied poison gas.
This meant that in turn they were unambiguous in their welcome for the invasion and the defeat of the old regime, and that the area under Kurdish control has, as a result, been relatively peaceful.
However threats by the Turkish government to invade the Kurdish territory in pursuit of guerrillas from the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) who are in armed revolt against them puts all that at risk.

Independent
The PKK’s ideology was founded on revolutionary Marxism-Leninism and Kurdish nationalism.
The PKK’s aim has been to create an independent socialist Kurdish state in a territory which it claims as Kurdistan, an area that comprises parts of south-eastern Turkey, north-eastern Iraq, north-eastern Syria and north-western Iran.
All those states oppose any such change.
Their founder and leader Abdullah Ocalan was controversially captured by Turkish special forces in 1999, briefly raising peace hopes, but recent months have seen mounting attacks by the PKK on Turkish forces.
The problem for the imperialists is that any invasion by the 100,000 Turkish troops waiting on the border will be treated by US aligned Masoud Barzani, the leader of the Kurds of northern Iraq, as an attack on their autonomous territory.
Given that the US and Turkey are NATO allies, conflict between the latter and the Kurds would be a further unwelcome development in the Iraq quagmire.
Barzani has already warned that a Turkish invasion “is only an excuse and the target is the Kurdistan region itself” and has told journalists that troops from his regional government have already been shelled by Turkish artillery.
The Kurdistan Regional Government, the autonomous Kurdish area in northern Iraq, enjoys quasi-independence from Baghdad and has stronger military forces than half of the members of the UN.
Despite differences between Barzani and the PKK, the regional government has told the US and the Turks that an invasion means war.

Oil prices
Not only would any military conflict be a further unwelcome problem from the US as it strives to convince a sceptical American public that the Iraq disaster has an end but it could have serious economic consequences.
In a US already reeling from the impact of the sub prime crisis and a dollar in free fall, the prospect of further Middle East conflict pushing up oil prices could be a disaster.
Currently oil is hovering around $90 a barrel before any Kurdish crisis and before the winter demand rise caused by US demand for heating oil.
Next year is a Presidential election year and the crisis-hit Bush regime will not want to face the voters as the party of super high gas prices.
That’s why the US is frantically working to keep the conflict between Iraq and Turkey and to prevent war further complicating the already nightmarish Iraq crisis.

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page twelve

 

Day care strikers stay strong

Workers stand united against council wage cuts

by Richie Venton

After three weeks out on the picket lines, the strike of 260 Glasgow Day Service workers is absolutely rock solid. 
Hardly one of them has scabbed. They have defied a Labour council that refused to even negotiate - and a scandalous media blackout after good initial coverage - with determined, boisterous demos, street rallies, street collections and workplace visits.
The city council underpaid women workers for decades, flaunting the 1970s Equal Pay legislation. Belatedly they set about equalising pay ñ on the cheap, by cutting pay and conditions for many workers (including many women as well as men) through their fatally flawed Pay & Benefits Review.
In the summer, 700 Social Care Workers went on strike against the downgrading, degrading treatment from the Council - and won. Now the 260 Day Service workers who provide a vital service to people with severe learning and physical disabilities have been forced down the same road, because the council are trying to impose pay cuts of £3-6,000 on very experienced, professional workers.
As staff walked out, one arrogant council boss let slip the Labour council’s intentions; he told a UNISON officer that they might meet the union in 6 weeks time - but only then on the pre-condition that the union had accepted the re-design of the service which the council wants to impose.
Not a single member of staff, service user, or carer has ever been consulted on what the council mockingly call ‘modernisation’. In an awful abuse of language, New Labour’s ‘modernisation’ means 50 job cuts, cuts to disabled people’s bus service and removal of their £1 weekly allowance, plus closure of 7 out of the 12 Day Care Centres.
At a 250-strong meeting of carers, attended by many strikers, even council official David Crawford conceded that their ‘consultation’ was ‘inadequate’ - non-existent more like! But despite his subtle attempts to divide strikers from carers and parents, the meeting was overwhelmingly united against all forms of cuts - whether staff pay, jobs, closure of centres or other cost-cutting dressed up as ‘improvements’.
The unity of the strike, plus the widespread support of carers, fellow trade unionists and the public, has won an important breakthrough. After two weeks of the strike, the hard-faced council agreed to negotiations with the union. Whilst they are still trying to put up an intransigent face, council officials are clearly rattled. And that is nothing compared to the fear for their positions of elected Labour councillors, who have been targeted by strikers and carers with lobbies, demos, delegations to their surgeries - and generally well-deserved contempt.
The council have one simple solution to this dispute - reversal of the pay cuts, by putting staff on the Role Profiles that match their skills and years of experience, and THEN a genuine consultation with staff, service users and carers about how to improve the service.
Improvement does not mean cuts! Pay cuts are not only reprehensible from a Labour Party that gets £millions off unions like UNISON. It is also a sure way of demoralising highly experienced staff, losing them ñ which is probably the council’s aim, in order to get a service on the cheap through under-trained agency staff and people with only a year’s experience.
Likewise closure of 7 out of 12 day Care centres is a throwback to the past. As one parent told an SSP meeting, when her 53-year-old son left school, she had to use up every lunchtime to walk from work to the Social Work department to lobby them into giving him a place. At the time there were waiting lists of 2 years. And as a striker told us, the Day Centres may not be perfect, but they are a form of community, where disabled people meet and feel safe. The council’s so-called community-based alternative would amount to people wandering the streets and shopping centres, or being driven into slave-labour jobs that were often totally unsuitable to their needs.
The strike has led to an outpouring of talent and determination amongst these caring staff. They’ve written poems and songs; conducted street collections for the first time in their lives; marched on the council several times a week. Now is clearly the time to stand firm and keep chasing the councillors who make the decisions. The Day Service Workers’ case is entirely justified, and they are also likely to be soon joined in dispute by staff in Elderly Care services, on similar issues.
SSP members and other trade unionists should keep up their visits to the picket lines to offer moral support; assist in street and workplace collections (which raised over £7,000 in the first two weeks); and help bombard their local councillors with emails, phone calls and especially face-to-face visits to spell out your anger at their cuts to such a vital service and its staff. These councillors rely on public elections; they need the hot breath of people’s anger on their necks, and demands that they stop all forms of cuts, and instead join the unions and service users in a united campaign for extra funding from the Scottish government.
n See page 5 for exclusive interviews with the striking Day Care workers.

Postal deal doesn’t deliver enough for workers

After eight rock-solid days of official strike action, plus many unofficial walkouts in protest at local management attacks, Royal Mail workers are now being balloted on whether they accept a deal recommended by a slim majority of the Communication Workers’ Union leadership.
Whilst the strike has won some concessions, the deal on offer falls drastically short of the aims and demands of those who sacrificed at least two weeks’ pay, and many union activists are campaigning for its rejection, with the aim of restoring the strike action to win more.
Even the CWU national executive was deeply divided, holding a week-long meeting, interspersed by further negotiations, and eventually a majority of only 9:5 to recommend the deal to members.
On pay, as opposed to the initial offer of a pay freeze and then 2.5 per cent, the deal uses the headline figure of 6.9 per cent over two years. But that gives too rosy a view of what is being offered: 5.4 per cent over two years, and another 1.5 per cent if an unacceptable and potentially divisive set of ‘flexible’ working arrangements are fully implemented. Another £175 lump sum is being offered - but from workers’ own bonus scheme, earned through previous intensification of work.
The flexibility package is slightly better than that previously threatened, but still a serious attack. Instead of being expected to work up to 2 hours earlier or later than normal, 30 minutes variation can be imposed by local management. Local trials of flexibility in every area; later starting times for delivery staff; loss of overtime payments and weekend working; longer and shorter working days depending on the volume of mail; no guarantees on closures of Mail Centres; no guarantees against victimisation... all in all the deal concedes far too much to management.
As one Scottish postie told the Voice “The national union has thrown the towel in far too soon. Our office will be voting against it. Then we will need to face up to more serious national strike action than just the odd day here and there.”
On pensions there will be a separate ‘consultation’ and ballot, but the national CWU leadership have agreed to the principle of the end of Final Salary pensions. As another postie remarked, “If we accept this, by 2010 I will not be able to retire on full pension benefits until I’m 65, which is appalling for a manual worker.”
The national CWU leadership have been hampered in the prosecution of this struggle by their links with the same Labour party that is privatising the postal service and egging on multi-millioned Royal Mail bosses to crush the union. And they have accepted the ‘liberalisation’ of the service, where private profiteers gain from a rigged market.
CWU activists are right to campaign for a ‘No’ vote and for renewal of the strikes to protect pay, pensions and conditions. And they need to help build a fighting leadership of the CWU, which breaks the stranglehold of the CWU-Labour link.

 


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