Scottish Socialist Voice
Issue 316
18th December 2007

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front page

Prescription For A Better World

Socialist policies for a new Scotland

THE SNP government at Holyrood plans to move Scotland towards free prescription charges, a proposal originally put forward to the parliament by the SSP.
The SSP has campaigned relentlessly on streets up and down the country on this policy.
It’s good to see the SNP have listened to the people’s demands for the scrapping of a tax on the poor.
If they really want to see a better Scotland, we have a whole stack of policies to improve the lives of ordinary working Scots.
We look forward to them introducing other SSP policies like free public transport and free school meals for all pupils.
However we won’t sit back and wait for Holyrood to act. The SSP continues its pledge to campaign day in day out for a better life for all.

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page two

Glasgow Women Reclaim The Night

Led by women and children, but with the participation of many men, hundreds of people took to the streets of Glasgow’s West End on the evening of Thursday 29 November to Reclaim the Night. It was too dark to accurately count the numbers involved, but the demo was big and noisy! Reclaim the Night is intended to show that women should be able to walk our streets without fear of violence. The demo was followed by speeches, a buffet and excellent entertainment from a women’s choir.

Bush’s Iran lies exposed

JUST two months ago US president George Bush warned Iran that is was risking World War if it continued work on nuclear weapons despite persistent denial from Tehran that such work was being done.
Then on Monday, 3 December 2007, an report from Mr. Bush’s own government spy agencies blew his cover.
16 top spy agencies bluntly revealed that their intelligence proved that Iran halted nuclear arms work four years ago.
Despite this knowledge, the Bush administration and its backers in Congress have continued to move the United States closer and closer to war with Iran.
Now it emerges that the report known as the National Bush’s Iran lies exposed Intelligence Estimate which refutes claims by the US and Israel of an Iranian bomb has been in the hands of Vice president Cheney and he has been desperately pressing US spooks to water it down.
The report assesses that Iran’s alleged military nuclear work ended in 2003, but fails to provide any evidence that such activity ever existed. If proof for this assessment had been found, it was the obligation of the US to provide it to the IAEA for on-the-ground verification.
A senior official of nuclear watchdog the IAEA said:
“Despite repeated smear campaigns, the IAEA has stood its ground and concluded time and again that ‘there was no evidence of an undeclared nuclear weapons program in Iran.”
On 7 September, the IAEA director general, Dr. El Baradei, told the New York Times, “we have not come to see any undeclared activities...
We have not seen any weaponisation of their program, nor have we received any information to that effect”.
He has for several years urged sceptics in Western capitals to help the IAEA by sharing any possible proof in their possession of suspicious nuclear activity in Iran. Judging from the IAEA’s many reports, Iran’s accusers have failed to demonstrate to the agency that they have superior information.
The new claim about a pre-2003 weapons program is no exception.
The IAEA on 15 November 2007 essentially cleared Iran of all outstanding ambiguities regarding its past nuclear programme.
The agency confirmed that in multiple areas of concern, the information provided by Iran has been consistent with the information obtained independently by the IAEA.
Given the new National Intelligence Estimate on Iran and the IAEA’s own assurances, it is now clear that the decision by the Governors’ Board of the IAEA in February 2006 to report Iran’s file to the UN Security Council was without justification.
In order to incriminate Iran, the US and its allies exerted massive pressure on other voting board members at the time. David Mulford, the US Ambassador to India warned the Government of India in January 2006 that there would be no US-India nuclear deal if India did not vote against Iran at the IAEA.
The Campaign Against Sanctions and Military Intervention in Iran (CASMII) called for the immediate return of Iran’s nuclear file from the UN Security Council to the jurisdiction of the IAEA under the rules of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT).
All UN sanctions imposed on Iran must accordingly be lifted. In addition, CASMII reiterates its long-standing call for immediate negotiations without pre-conditions between the US and Iran on all points of dispute.

Wendy And Labour’s Lost Boys

The speed of the crisis engulfing both Edinburgh and London New Labour is dizzying.
Having lost 25million people’s bank details and spent some £25billion bailing out a failed bank, the stumbling former New Labour superstars are mired in a sea of sleaze.
Leading figures are all shown to have had a finger in the dodgy donations pie despite their protestations that they are innocent, it’s all a mistake guv, nobody told me it was illegal, etc.
Now the New Labour innocents are facing a visit to their local nick where they face serious questions about their actions.
When you consider all the puffed up posturing about scroungers, crooks and cracking down on this and that over the last ten years, you could be forgiven for having a wry smile at the expense of Straw, Hain, Harman and co.
However, not to be outdone by the London bosses, the recently rejected inhabitants of New Labour’s Edinburgh benches have come up with their, entirely homegrown, sleaze scandal.
New Labour leader Wendy Alexander - who we are assured is a super brain - apparently believes that she is subject to a new legal doctrine which says she is innocent if she breaks the law “unintentionally”.
This is an interesting variant of the famous Scots legal defence of ‘it wisnae me’, beloved of regulars at our Sheriff Courts.
But unlike your normal offender who often pleads too much drink or some other memory loss, Wendy, whose problem is a donations from a Jersey resident actually wrote him a thank you letter at his home address.
The problem is that, as a non-UK voter, the donor was barred from giving cash to UK parties by laws brought in under Blair. And given that fact it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the law has been broken. And that Wendy knew it.
Of course, given the firestorm engulfing the Brown regime, much bigger stakes than the future of Wendy are in play for New Labour. If she resigns the question is then posed about the future of some prominent London figures.
So Wendy finds herself rapidly running out of road and faced with choices, all of which are damaging.
As the Voice goes to press it looks as if she is going for the brass neck option and will attempt to ‘tough it out’, no doubt noisily supported by her increasingly nervous MSPs.
In many ways this course is probably the most politically dangerous, not just for the Alexander leadership but for the broader future both of New labour and the British state.
Put simply this approach of clinging to power in the face of the facts sends the clear message to voters that New Labour leading lights are somehow above the law if they break it “unintentionally”.
On that basis we can expect a flood of motorists who were punished for “unintentionally” speeding, taxpayers who were “unintentionally” late with their returns and Xmas revellers punished after “unintentionally” drinking too much clamouring to be let off. 
The perception of politicians thinking they can break the law will be bad enough. But when it looks as if they are doing so under orders from London - as in this case - then the consequences are potentially fatal.
Lost in the fury around the illegal cash, New Labour was groping towards increasing Holyrood powers.
But any prospect of advancing this to counter the SNP now looks like a lost cause.
As for bold talk about a multi-party coalition to stop Salmond and bolster ‘Britishness’, the intense battles between Cameron and Blair over donorgate certainly seem to rule the Tories out of that while LibDem taunts labelling Brown as moving from Stalin to Mr Bean hardly seem likely to build unity with Labour.
After the May elections the wise men of the Scottish press spilt much ink warning Alex Salmond how difficult he would find it to run a minority government against the Brits in Edinburgh.
Eight months on the SNP are still riding high and Salmond is, certainly for now, the dominant figure in the Scottish Parliament acknowledged by those same media sages.
As we report elsewhere, the record so far is patchy but faced with the split, sleazy petulance of New Labour, the nationalists look new, radical, competent and clean.
Donorgate could fatally damage the rapidly disintegrating grip of New Labour in Scotland, and with it the main political force propping up the bloodstained British state.
Largely through their love-in with big business and big money, which has seen ten years of worship of all thing private and business, they are now trapped in a gathering crisis in both Edinburgh an London which is rapidly moving from the dangerous to the potentially terminal for their project.

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page three

Trump And Prescriptions Show Two Faces Of SNP

By Ken Ferguson

TWO decisions in one day neatly serve to spotlight the Jekyll and Hyde character of the minority SNP administration at Holyrood.
Plans to scrap prescription charges, as originally proposed by the SSP, join other left facing measures on Free School Meals, the right to buy and against Trident in presenting a radical face to voters.
Yet on the same day the same administration signalled that when it claims to be ‘business friendly’ it means it, as the SNP moved to subvert the decision to reject the plans for a mega golf development by US fat cat Donald Trump.
So far the tycoon has played hard ball, refused to use the normal appeal process and effectively told opponents that democracy needs to be set aside in favour of ‘doing business’ in Scotland.
The SNP government move is a major concession to that pressure.
The Trump decision is yet another piece of evidence indicating that, while in comparison with New Labour they appear left wing, it rather depends where you put the centre.
In the ten years from Dewar to McConnell New Labour, with a few minor exceptions, stayed determinedly in the pro-market straitjacket set by Blair and refused to comment on big issues of war and peace.
With that as the yardstick it has been comparatively easy for the SNP to look new and radical.
However we have already had some early warning signs that the SNP government have no intention of challenging the rich men such as Brian Soutar who bankrolled their May campaign.
Moves have already taken place to water down the targets set by the SNP on poverty reduction and the path is now open for the 20-year ban on working with the Tories to go.
This latter move is likely to take on growing importance in the new dynamic, with the Tories looking like realistic challengers for the first time in a decade making any Holyrood deal with Labour increasingly unattractive.
Why throw New Labour a lifeline if they are sinking and you are rising?
On their part there is much at the heart of the SNP programme which chimes with the Tory approach, such as plans to cut business rates and wage war on government spending and thus jobs.
Tory demands on issues such as drug treatment centres should also be something that can be accommodated by Salmond.
The fact is that, while Salmond may play the star role in public, much of the SNP agenda is being shaped by his predecessor and now finance supreme, John Swinney.
Swinney may represent Tayside but he is no Blairgowrie Bolshevik. He has spent his adult life in the SNP and represents the small business, largely instinctively right wing, rural base of the party.
This wing has historically been in tension with the largely left wing, urban-based activists and the present administration is an uneasy alliance of the two groups.
At the heart of demands to cut down on administration and costs, heavily supported by Swinney, is an agenda similar to Gordon Brown’s plan to cut thousands of civil and public service jobs.
The bombshell plans to sack some 1,000 council staff in Edinburgh are the first fruits of this approach and clearly show that saving jobs is low on the priorities of all the major parties.
Even after the loss of 25million people’s bank details by civil servants severely pressed by cost and job cutting, none of the big parties seem to have accepted that jobs need workers.
The real danger is that as the economy turns down in the face of the US inspired credit crunch and prices soar workers will face the all too familiar demand to tighten their belts, accept sacrifices in wages and job cuts.
None of this will of course apply to the Donald Trumps or Brian Soutars who, so we are told, need to be regularly paid millions to ensure that they are able to keep their business skills in order.
As 2008 beckons the signs are growing that soaring prices, tough credit and a squeeze on jobs and wages will once again be the approach adopted to deal with the problems of the bankers and speculators.
And it places a heavy responsibility on the left to not only back those who come under attack in this offensive but also to show that they have an alternative vision which can deliver an approach in favour of the millions and not the millionaires.

Scots Universities To Take Arms Dealers Cash

ANTI-ARMS trade campaigners have uncovered a multi-million pound collusion between the dealers in death and leading UK universities.
A report by the Campaign Against Arms Trade shows leading Scots universities with their snouts firmly in the arms dealers’ trough, with Glasgow and Edinburgh universities taking a whopping £12,225,799 from them.
The report, entitled Study War no More, covers the period 2001 to 2006 and is a damning indictment of academic co-operation with those developing ever more sophisticated killing methods, with a massive £725million flowing into arms research in 26 UK universities.
The role of the big weapons firms is underlined with around 70 per cent of the military projects, especially in science, sponsored by Britain’s three biggest arms companies - BAE Systems, Rolls-Royce and the controversially privatised QinetiQ.
QinetiQ was recently at the centre of a storm about the super profits made by civil servants when the former government research body was privatised by New Labour, leading one Tory MP to describe it as ‘the unacceptable face of capitalism’.
Report authors Tim Street and Martha Beale made it clear that uncovering the truth about the links between academics and arms dealers had not been easy, and that they had struggled to obtain the necessary information because of a lack of transparency and accountability in the way that universities are funded.
They also echoed students’ concerns about the “democratic deficit” within academic institutions and the ends and ethics of research and research funding.
“It was a huge struggle to unearth this information, due to a lack of transparency at many universities and the secretive nature of the arms trade,” Ms Beale said.
“Corporate interests tend to favour secrecy, a monopoly of intellectual property rights and the silencing of dissidence.”
She urged students, university staff and the public to challenge what she branded the “alarming influence” of military funding in UK universities.
Campaign Against Arms Trade director Simon Hill said:
“Universities must be forced to be more transparent about their finances and the government must stop using taxpayers’ money to subsidise university research for arms dealers.
“It is important that student and university staff unions take this seriously and address it as a threat to their independence and the values which universities are founded on.”
The findings of the report were, he said, “yet another shocking example of how much influence arms companies have in so many sectors in British society.”

Edinburgh Council set to cut 800 jobs

by Gerry Corbett

IN a move headlined as efficiency savings, City of Edinburgh Council revealed a package of cuts and redundancies that will chop more than 800 posts across the city. In their second attempt to attack services in the city, the SNP/LibDem coalition announced that the cuts will take place over nine areas of the council services.
The administration have tried to disguise the cuts as a merging of services with Fife and Borders councils.
But as parents of Edinburgh school children found out earlier this year when closure of 22 schools was announced, the council is desperate to cut £10-15million from a budget that the Labour group decimated in an attempt to buy off Council Tax payers in the May election.
Tom Aitchison, the chief executive of the council, emailed staff about the cuts saying that this was the “first phase of the project”, and calling for the redundancies to be made through “ simplification, standardisation or sharing” services.
At a time when core services of Scotland’s capital city are attacked, cut and underfunded, the city council seems to think it sensible to fund a portion of the £500million tram system to replace a perfectly good bus service, and fund a 10,000-seater concert hall at Ingleston.
Both commitments are in the hope of attracting more ‘business’ to the city - business that the people of Edinburgh see little benefit from but the business community thrives off.
You have to wonder who the council are working for - the people of Edinburgh or the businesses of Edinburgh?
From the evidence, the city’s people come a very poor second. Meanwhile the public sector workers who supply the services to the city don’t even register on the councillors’ radar, unless it’s to be seen as completely expendable.

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page four

Plotting The Earth’s Demise

by Roz Paterson

FIFTY years ago this month, even climatologists were unsure what became of all the carbon dioxide (CO2) released by the burning of fossil fuels.
Was it all absorbed by oceans and forests?
Or was it building up in the earth’s atmosphere, trapping the sun’s heat and raising the earth’s temperature?
Ayoung American scientist, Charles David Keeling, thus began his life’s work - to discover where all that gas went, by assessing the levels of CO2 in the atmosphere, season upon season, year on year.
He chose to measure CO2 levels at only two locations - the South Pole and the summit of Mauna Loa Volcano in Hawaii.
These isolated spots were ideal because they were sufficiently isolated to be uncontaminated by local CO2 pollution, for instance from major industrial centres; therefore, Keeling’s measurements could relate only to atmospheric levels.
Over time, his data revealed that the worst case scenario was the true one, and that CO2 concentrations were rising, and in increasing increases.
So precise were Keeling’s measurements, he was even able to detect the planet ‘breathing’ - that is, when levels dip slightly as spring growth draws in, or ‘inhales’, CO2, and then rise again when plants decay and ‘exhale’.
This activity accounts for the squiggles on the otherwise smooth, relentless upward arc of the ‘Keeling Curve’, a symbol as iconic to climatologists as the double helix is to geneticists.
The rapid rise in CO2 levels - from 315 parts per million (ppm) in 1958, when Keeling started, to 378 ppm in 2005 - could only be attributed to human activity, from coal-fired power stations to 8-lane motorways choked with petrol-hungry vehicles.
The idea that such an acceleration in CO2, over such a relatively short period of time (a geological blink of an eye), could be attributed to natural cycles was simply not credible and the long battle to reduce man-made emissions before it was too late, by first getting the scientific community and then the wider world to sit up and listen, began in earnest.
Keeling’s 50 year CO2 record has proved indispensible to scientists.
“Without (it)...we wouldn’t understand the cause of the climate change we are observing today. (It) allowed us to connect the dots between increasing fossil fuel emissions and a warmer world,” comments James Butler, deputy director of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (Noaa) Earth System Research Laboratory, one of the key global agencies now responsible for monitoring CO2 levels in the atmosphere.
Back in the late1950s, Keeling’s work was truly pioneering. Even today, matching his level of accuracy is a challenge and it is a measure, say his peers, of his ‘brilliance’ that the Keeling Curve exists at all.
Ameasure of the resistance to climate change research is that, even as recently as the 1990s, Keeling was still being made to jump through hoops to obtain the funding necessary for his work.
Today, the resistance continues, but agencies across the globe work together, under the auspices of the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), on the CO2 record, using the latest technology to hand, including space-borne sensors that detect greenhouse gases remotely.
Without this data, bodies such as the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) would be unable to compile the assessments that have done so much to wake up world governments to the current global warming crisis.
Because crisis it certainly is.
What began as a source of uneasiness to scientists now has them screaming for the brakes to be applied.
Arecent report finds that CO2 levels in the atmosphere have risen 35 per cent faster since 2000 than predicted.
This research, conducted by the Global Carbon Project, the University of East Anglia and the British Antarctic Survey, and published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, pinpoints inefficiency in the way that we use fossil fuels and a decline in the land and sea’s ability to absorb CO2 as the key contributors to this dramatic and troubling acceleration.
Our own inefficiency in fossil fuel usage, such as heat loss from power stations, increased CO2 levels by 17 per cent, while the slowing of the earth’s absorption rate accounts for a further 18 per cent.
Carbon sinks, including forests and oceans, absorb around half of all human CO2 emissions, but changing wind patterns and droughts on land, themselves the result of climate change, have compromised this ability, both in the Southern and Northern hemispheres
“In addition to the growth of global population and wealth, we now know that significant contributions to the growth of atmospheric CO2 arise from the slowdown of natural (carbon) sinks and the halt to improvement in the carbon intensity of wealth production,” says Dr Pep Canadell, the report’s chief author and executive director of the Global Carbon Project.
And as CO2 levels rise, so do the effects of this become ever more apparent, with a new study noting an expansion of the tropics, the region of the earth around the equator and defined by climatologists through such features as the Jet Stream rather than by strict geographical location, by as much as 4.8 degrees latitude since 1979.
In lay terms, this means that the earth’s hottest zone is expanding, just as its coldest ones melt.
The implications are enormous, including “fundamental shifts in ecosystems and in human settlements”,and more immediate headline events, such as food and water shortages and freak weather across the world.
Again, as with CO2 levels, all of this is happening much more rapidly than predicted.
Were Keeling alive today - he died in 2005 - he would have seen his elegant curve rise up and off the page.

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page five

LETTERS

Set out stall on faith schools
There were many interesting motions heard at SSP conference this year, so I’m not sure why the Voice’s conference report (issue 316) was mostly given over to a review of one single debate - faith schools - and furthermore, from a standpoint that seemed to be contrary to the view taken by the Conference on the issue.
The amendment from Glasgow North East talked of the local community taking the ultimate decision on the religious status of a school, in addition to “recognising that religion has a role to play” in children’s “spiritual development”; and it would have deleted the sentence “Religious or denominational schools should be phased out”.
I do not think any of us who opposed that amendment can be said to oppose local democracy.
I agree that we will have to work in and through local communities to convince them that faith schools are a bad idea.
But agreeing with the principle of local democracy does not mean that we cannot take our own stand on issues.
Otherwise, what’s the point in having Party policy at all?
The SSP should clearly set out its stall - we oppose the mixing of religion and education, full stop; and I am glad that that was ultimately the view taken by conference.
Andrew Weir, Edinburgh

Defending free speech
Scotland Against Criminalising Communities is collecting signatures for an open letter in defence of Aamer Anwar, the human rights lawyer who faces a contempt of court hearing.
Following the trial of Mohammad Atif Siddique, who was jailed for eight years for terrorism offences, Aamer read a statement on the steps of the court describing the verdict as “a tragedy for justice and for freedom of speech”, saying that Siddique did not receive a fair trial.
For this, the trial judge has pursued contempt of court charges.
Amongst those who have already put their names to the letter are Gareth Peirce, whose tenacious efforts saw the Birmingham Six and Guilford Four freed, and Imran Khan, who represented the family of Stephen Lawrence.
Khan said: “There should be no attempt to silence lawyers. If lawyers can’t speak out then one of the bedrocks of justice - the right to highlight a miscarriage of justice - just goes.”
The letter says:
“If the Judiciary is successful in silencing Aamer Anwar, then this will have far-reaching consequences. A lawyer’s job is to represent their clients to the best of their ability - no matter what crimes they are accused of...
“We believe that the current attack on Aamer Anwar is an attack on the fundamental right of all lawyers to represent their clients.”
Voice readers can sign the letter by going to www.sacc.org.uk and I’d urge them to do so.
Jo Harvie, Glasgow

A progressive Kurdistan?
I have read the letters by Bill Bonnar and John Miller (Voice issues 316 and 317) on the situation of the Kurds in Turkey and northern Iraq. Here are a few comments:
The PKK (Partiya Karkaren Kurdistan, Kurdistan Workers’ Party) is not an unequivocally left-wing organisation.
Its name is fossilised from its founding in 1978, when left-wing themes in its ideology were more prominent.
It is a pragmatic organisation, not antiimperialist (it is not hostile to the American/British invasion of Iraq).
Its essential nature is Kurdish nationalist, but it is not even a consistent defender of Kurdish independence - it has expressed a willingness to accept autonomy within Turkey, but even this is far too much for Turkey’s rulers.
It cannot be denied that the system in Turkey represses the Kurds, and other opponents like socialists and also religious and other ethnic minorities.
It would take a large book to list all the examples of this, and a long article just to list occurrences in the past month alone.
The question is whether an independent Kurdistan, as proposed by Bill Bonnar, is the appropriate solution.
I think a socialist TurkeyIraq, Iran and Syria would be preferable to the semifeudal and pro-imperialist Kurdistan that is likely to be the Kurdistan on offer. I take it for granted, however, that a socialist system in Turkey would recognise the Kurdish right to self-determination, including the right to secede.
Imperialism’s role is a key factor. Bonnar mentions the Treaty of Sevres of 1920, which envisaged a Kurdish state.
It also envisaged an Armenian state, Greek control of western Anatolia and French, Italian and British spheres of influence over much of Turkey, with an international commission in charge of Istanbul and the surrounding area.
Only a small chunk of central and northern Anatolia would have been under complete Turkish control.
In many ways, the treaty resembled the Balfour Declaration of a few years earlier concerning Palestine, in that it was an imperialist carve-up privileging some ethnic groups at the expense of others.
It was repudiated by Turkish nationalists, who forced a drastic revision of the treaty at Lausanne in 1923, denying spheres of influence and also denying the Kurds a state, storing up problems for the future.
Steve Kaczynski,
Istanbul, Turkey

People power put to page

What the Russian Revolution Means to Me, published by the Edinburgh People’s Festival

THE Edinburgh People’s Festival has published a book to mark the 90th anniversary of the Russian Revolution.
What the Russian Revolution Means to Me? will be launched at Word Power bookstore on Wednesday 12 December at 7pm.
People’s Festival spokesman Colin Fox believes the publication marks another stage in the progress of the project which began in 2002 to promote a ‘for the people, by the people’ approach to the arts in the city.
The idea for the book, he told us, arose out of an event the People’s Festival held in October with the Oscar nominated playwright Trevor Griffiths.
“We felt it right that we acknowledge such an important ‘people’s event’ as the Russian Revolution and we had such a terrific evening at The Stand with Trevor Griffiths outlining his involvement in the Oscar winning film REDS, which he co-wrote with Warren Beatty, that we decided to publish a small keepsake.”
There are lots of fascinating contributions in the book, including some from history from figures such as John Reed and Rosa Luxemburg.
But mostly it contains replies from contemporary figures, including award winning film director Ken Loach, campaigning human rights lawyer Aamer Anwar, journalist Robert McNeil, actor Billy McElhaney, author and dramatist Suhayl Saadi, stand up comedian Vladimir McTavish and Jim Slaven of the James Connolly Society.
Copies of the book, priced £2, can be obtained in the first instance at the launch night or thereafter from Word Power bookstore in West Nicholson Street, Edinburgh.

[1] Word Power is online at www.word-power.co.uk

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centre pages

The SSP keeps marching in 2007… And into 2008

FOR the Scottish left, 2007 has been a year to test the will and the nerve.
The defeat in the Scottish Elections in May was a low point and, although bigger forces were clearly in play, the ego-driven split in the left certainly didn’t help.
More positively, it was also the year that saw New Labour’s seemingly iron grip on Scotland broken.
The signs are that a combination of spirited resistance from workers facing attacks on jobs and pay, allied to a growing revulsion with Labour cronyism will accelerate this process in the year ahead.
Across the planet, imperialism is facing defeat in Iraq and Afghanistan and plans to demonise and then attack Iran are inspiring growing opposition.
Throughout this year the SSP has been on the frontline of struggle on jobs, against Trident and war and in the battle to thwart the globalisers and their henchmen in Downing Street, Holyrood and Washington.
Faced with the apparent total victory of fascism in Italy, the great Italian communist Antonio Gramsci advised comrades that their slogan should be “pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will”.
Ninety years on this advice to think, to analyse, but to use the process as a guide to action would be a good guide to our activity in 2008.

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page eight

TRUE GRIT


After eight weeks of struggle -Day Care workers return to work

After an incredible two months of unity, defiance and outstanding courage, striking Day Care workers in Glasgow have voted to accept a deal.
Strikers have voted by the narrowest of margins - 80 to 71 - to accept the deal negotiated and return to work.
They walked out after Glasgow City Council downgraded them to lower role profiles - refusing to recognise the difficult work they do in day centres caring for people with learning difficulties, including severe disabilities, and the wide-ranging qualifications they have gained.
The regrading added up to pay cuts for many of the workers, some facing as much as £6000 being slashed from their salary.
After the passion of the two months long strike, there was heated debate at the meeting, and as yet some detail of the deal still has to be clarified.
Those who voted against felt the deal was unacceptable because it gives no guarantees for support workers - who made up a quarter of the strikers.
They also object to the fact that what has been conceded on role profiles is tied to the acceptance of the proposed ‘redesign’ of the service.
However, the council has undoubtedly been forced into major concessions on role profiles, compared to their utter intransigence before the strike.
Then, and all through the strike, the council insisted wages would only be protected until April 2009.
After that, there would be no guarantees.
Under this deal, every manager, depute manager and day service worker will be lifted up to the higher role profile demanded. This will take effect from April 2008.
But in a measure to force through service redesign, the council also agreed that this
will be implemented by 31 January - if redesign is agreed by then.
One of the strikers who voted to accept the deal told the Voice that he was, at first, opposed. But he made the point that the strike was all about role profiles, and when negotiators clarified that, not only had the council conceded the role profiles demanded, but also that workers will be assimilated to a point in the profile that
takes them out of detriment - in other words, that they will not lose money - he voted to accept.
In contrast, another striker said: “We’ve won nothing, it’s really disappointing. The first thing in the agreement is that we fully accept the service redesign - what does that mean for the future?”
Clearly, redundancies will feature in the council’s plan.
In fact, they offered arrangements for enhanced redundancy packages as part of the deal – bringing implementation of the new role profiles forward to January means that any workers volunteering for redundancy will have their package worked out on the higher wage scale.
The offer, and the fact that negotiators at the top table recommended acceptance, both played a part in gaining the narrow majority vote for acceptance.
One other main persuading factor is that the same negotiators have promised that the issue of support workers’ profiles - at the moment guaranteed nothing - will be addressed in the forthcoming negotiations.
These support workers are understandably angry at being excluded from a deal that has gained higher role profiles for day service workers, but at the expense of accepting the council’s redesign plans.
Many day service workers voted against the deal on the principle that support workers had struck alongside them and deserved recognition with higher role profiles. They wanted to remain united.
Some details have yet to be clarified, and it should be made clear that the union has never said they are against service redesign.
Until the deal, the council had always insisted they would not enhance role profiles until they’d implemented redundancies, closures and their so-called redesign.
But the power of the strike has forced much earlier implementation. Now the struggle to resist the scale of cuts to the service planned by the council gets underway.
That struggle is strengthened by the strike action that’s been taken, as it’s only through the tenacious strikers taking their campaign out onto the streets and to other workplaces that many people have even heard of the issues that will be thrown up by the redesign.
These 260 strikers go back to work, each one with their head high, after an outstanding eight weeks of the ultimate demonstration of strength in workers’ unity.

Root and BRANCH
Campsie

Building the SSP in East Dunbartonshire

by Thomas Swann

IN announcing Campsie Branch’s AGM, held on the 28 November in Milton of Campsie Village Hall, Branch Organiser Neil Scott sent a message to local members that contained the following quotation from Noam Chomsky.
“If you go to one demonstration and then go home, that’s something, but the people in power can live with that. What they can’t live with is sustained pressure that keeps building, organisations that keep doing things, people that keep learning lessons from the last time and doing it better the next time.”
As Neil rightly noted, “that is what the Scottish Socialist Party is about”.
Having learned the lessons of the last two years, we are ready to keep doing things and, indeed, to do them better every time. With this in mind, those in attendance at the meeting set out a plan designed to make the SSP as visible possible in the coming year.
Given the area Campsie Branch organises in, composed of individual, often poorly connected villages, members know that they have to be modest about what can be achieved, but also that the most important thing they can do is to not allow people to forget that the SSP is still here.
One of the inventive methods of maintaining such a presence that was agreed was to begin a regular Saturday morning socialist cultural event.
Beginning with a film screening in early January, this will hopefully become an alternative source of information and entertainment that people in the area can come to rely on and associate with the party at large.
Continuing with a series of talks and other activities, this morning will provide the local communities with an educational voice they might otherwise never hear.
In addition to this, the branch agreed on a number of new positions aimed similarly at reasserting the role of the SSP within the area. In doing so, members took up a number of suggestions that were made at the National Council meeting in August.
This included appointing Bill Newman and Mark Callaghan branch press officers, to see that the cultural events the local party organises are as well publicised as can be, and also to provide the local newspapers with stories and information that they may be currently overlooking.
This follows the excellent example set by comrades in other branches.
Campsie Branch is also planning to launch a local edition of the Voice, in order to inform residents about both the activities of the party, and also goings on in the area that aren’t reported elsewhere.
For example, one of the press officers has been tasked with accessing the local council meeting minutes, in order that these can be published to make people aware of aspects of council decision making that may effect them, but that they may never hear about.
A member was also appointed to redesign and run the branch online presence, in the form of a blog which was set up for the May elections but which has fallen into disuse since.
This will provide a space on the internet that both those inside and outside of the SSP can refer to to see what work Campsie Branch members are involved in.
Some of the methods Campsie members intend to implement in the near future are ones that have already been proved successful by other party members. Some are the invention of those in the branch themselves.
It is crucial in the future that branches share their experiences of activism so that, as Chomsky argues, they can learn from mistakes and come back with better approaches that will not fail.

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page nine

Biography Of Constant Struggle

Hamish Henderson: a Biography Vol 1 - the Making of the Poet by Timothy Neat, published by Polygon

by Ken Ferguson

THIS is simply a stunning book of immense richness and vitality, which not only entertains, informs and illuminates on the incredible life of its subject but provides a detailed view of the world and events Henderson was part of.
For it is this critical fact that lies at the heart of Neat’s biography - in many ways Hamish Henderson could easily serve as a human incarnation of Scotland in the 20th century and his actions as a reflection of Scotland’s part in that turbulent time.
Born to a single mum on Armistice Day 1919, one year after the end of the 1914-18 imperialist bloodbath, his life was inextricably linked with the upheavals, war and struggle which hallmarked the period.
By the time he entered Cambridge in 1938 Henderson had lost his mother, spent time in institutional care and was both a convinced anti-nazi and supporter of a Scottish republic.
Some have argued that the many contradictions of Henderson’s life - highly effective British soldier and opponent of monarchy, ardent nationalist and passionate internationalist, balladeer of soldiers and committed peace activist - are impossible to reconcile.
However Timothy Neat takes us through these events in a lucid, detailed and patient way which puts before us the picture of a complex human life interacting with cataclysmic world events with the objective of sustaining human decency.
It was this lodestar of humanity which saw Henderson working to help anti-fascist refugees escape Hitler, serve with the famous 51st Highland Division in the desert and Italy, and become an active Scottish Republican and peace campaigner after the war.
However amidst this epic journey Neat makes it clear that the experiences of the war in Italy and time spent with the Communist Partisans opposing Mussolini’s fascists was seminal.
It was this experience which opened the door to what was clearly one of the most important influences in his outlook - the ideas of Italian Communist Antonio Gramsci. A political activist and revolutionary, Gramsci also turned his formidable intellect to trying to explain how the ruling class remained the ruling class through its dominance or ‘hegemony’ over what is regarded as normal.
Eight years after Gramsci died in Mussolini’s jails, young Communist Partisans discussed his ideas with Henderson, who was serving with them.
He went on to translate his letters into English and while doing so found an article by Piero Gobetti. “More than a tactician and a fighter, Gramsci is a prophet,” it said. “The only way it is possible to be one nowadays is to be unheard of - except by fate.” It was this simple idea allied to his intensive study of Gramsci’s rich seam of ideas which helped shape the path which Henderson directed his energies.
It was a path which, though it did not involve blazing headlines or high profile activism, was to see him at the heart of key movements and moments which have, over the last 50 years transformed Scottish politics from kailyaird pocket imperialism to the radical, questioning society of 2007.
Indeed this approach remains one which has much to teach movements, such as the SSP, of the present day.
Henderson didn’t act alone, but was at the centre of movements such as Scottish Covenant which collected 1million names in support of home rule.
Events, such as the blowing up of pillar boxes stamped EIIR when the current monarch is Elizabeth 1st in Scotland, are set out in interesting detail by Neat.
The book is packed with incident - Hamish accepting the Italian surrender in 1945, his key role in the Edinburgh People’s Festival, forerunner of the fringe, the intensely moving poems in Elegies to the Dead in Cyrenaica all are there, and much more.
One incident told by Neat is the appearance, on the eve of the critical El Alamein battle in 1942, of two fingers of searchlights in the sky above the waiting troops of the Highland Division.
These swung and formed a Saltire in the sky above them - surely an omen?
It is likely they were part of a wider plan to illuminate the battlefield but the fact they were attributed by many to Henderson surely shows then, as in later life, he held to the aim of illuminating the way ahead.
Timothy Neat’ s book certainly illuminates his subject and skilfully places it in the events and actions of his time.
The second volume, which will cover the period from 1953 to Henderson’s death in 2002, cannot come too soon.

New York investigators hit town

Interpol at Carling Academy Glasgow
3 Dec 2007

YOU don’t expect to sweat when you go to see Interpol. You don’t expect Soul Music.
The New York quartet (augmented by enigmatic fedora-sporting touring keyboardist Blasco) brought their particular brand of icy Manhattanite post-rock to Glasgow’s Carling Academy, and led the capacity crowd through a selection of songs from all three of their studio albums so far.
There’s a remoteness about the band and their music which should keep the listener at a distance. There’s a tautness to their sound that recalls the likes of Joy Division, and when they shift up a gear there’s a relentless industrial power in the rhythm section which makes you listen closely and look really hard at drummer Sam Fogarino to check that he’s actually playing his drums, that it’s not a machine making that big big noise. (Fogarino’s a highly unorthodox drummer, incidentally - it’s just about worth the price of a ticket just to watch him play like he was taught by someone with two left hands.)
Bass player Carlos D - well, he’s a piece of work. Looking like a miserablist Mississippi gambler, his Peter Hook kneelevel bass absolutely subterranean, he turns, he swoops, he digs his Fender Jazz into the stage like a shovel.
It’s all an awesome thrilling racket that fits Paul Banks’ angular vocals precisely.
He sings about car crashes, marital experiments, alienation, cocaine shame, New York City - while guitarist Daniel Kessler dices in shards of colour and underlines the acute angles to the songs. Kessler’s an oddity onstage - immobile for only a tiny percentage of the time, his moves vary from a splay-legged hunch to a very odd cross-stage scramble and slide.
There’s a stark degraded beauty to their slow songs (Pioneer To The Falls), and a four-four hurry-up urgency to their quick ones (Evil).
It shouldn’t draw you in, it shouldn’t move you. But it does.
The Academy crowd lapped up every intro and sang along. Air was punched.
Sure, the baroque washy grandeur of The Lighthouse demanded hush and got it, but its crescendo in turn made people yell with delight. Banks may be one of the world’s more diffident front men - apart from a couple of thank yous and a brief comment about Glasgow, he didn’t even try to connect with the crowd - but the crowd didn’t really notice or care.
Never mind the austere veneer, ignore the fabulously tasteful stage lighting, Interpol play for themselves and love every note.

The Wild Brunch
Keef Tomkinson

Keef casts his eye across life’s more leisurely pursuits in order to put a wee bit of CULTure into our lives.

Is the SSP not meant to be angriest bunch political animals this side of Manchester? Surely we have enough left over to stick the boot into more injustice?
Think global, growl local.
But the facts say otherwise. It’s been nearly a month since the capital of Strathclyde won the contest to host the Commonwealth Games and I have not seen cynical criticism coming from either this paper or Chairman Fox.
Well let’s kick it off. What’s this thing the ‘Commonwealth’? For a Queen-hating, Brit-busting socialist like myself, it’s a pointless, bureaucratic gravy train. A club containing most of the countries Britain plundered and raped its way through to build its bloodsoaked empire.
As these states won their independence, the Commonwealth continued to represent these countries’ economic semi-dependence.
But there is an even more sinister purpose to this body and tournament. In world, European and Olympic competition athletes from these isles, especially allconquering England, don’t really stand much of a chance. If you cut out mainland Europe, Russia and the USA we’re talking gold, baby!
Growing up as a sports fanatic, the Commonwealth Games were less glamorous, less dynamic and much slower than the Olympics. The only drug taking involved was an audience injecting caffeine.
Some might say - so what! It’s bringing something new and lucrative to the streets of Glasgow which will leave a legacy.
It’s not that new. The sight of a bunch a white guys chasing a black guy through the East End of Glasgow will be the same, it’s just that they’ll get medals for their efforts.
Lucrative? Sure, for the crooked businessmen and donors to the Labour party in Glasgow who would feed off our Council Tax and government grants paid through our taxes.
And the legacy? That’s the biggest fraud of them all.
The spin is that the youth of the East End of Glasgow will be left with 21st century sporting facilities and new homes when the athlete’s village is converted into private accommodation.
The facilities will only be as good as the investment in coaching, equipment and accessibility (a private firm charging high prices would be the norm). The facilities will only be as effective as the steps taken to improve the health, wealth and self esteem of young people.
Last year I walked past the remnants of Munich’s 1972 athlete’s village. Like Glasgow’s plan, it was turned into public accommodation and now looks like run down municipal housing. Just like what already exists in the East End.
This isn’t negativity, it’s just a natural rejection of the drip-down theory - the idea that spending huge sums of money on short term publicity and shiny new buildings for tourist brochures will trickle down for us all to revel in.
Did we not spend years opposing Thatcher on the basis that she said the wealth of the rich would drip down to us plebs in the streets? Why not invest in communities and their occupants as socialists have always envisaged?
I can only think of one reason to hold the games and spend a shit load of money - to enrage those pricks in England who call into radio stations complaining that their taxes are paying for Glasgow 2014.
Just don’t mention The Millennium Dome, London Olympics or English World Cup bid.

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page ten

Chavez Suffers Defeat

By Jack Ferguson

A referendum put forward by President Hugo Chavez’ radical government to amend the constitution was defeated by an extremely narrow margin, with the final result being less than 100, 000 votes in favour of the opposition.
The reforms aimed to speed up the building of the “socialism in the 21st century” which the government has called for.
Among the measures being proposed were devolving more power directly to local communities, by giving the new “communal councils” direct power and money to decide on what was needed in their areas, and involving them in production in workplaces that had been taken over by their workers; ending the independence of the central bank and making it easier to nationalise banks and key areas of the economy; shortening the working week from 44 to 36 hours and extending social security benefits to workers in the “informal sector”, i.e. people without stable employment working on the streets; and defining Venezuela officially as a socialist state.
The reforms also would have removed the term limits on the Venezuelan Presidency, allowing Chavez to stand again once his term is up in 2013. This was controversial, as the right wing opposition portrayed it as a move towards a dictatorship. However, the changes would still have left Chavez with less individual power than a US President or a British Prime Minister.
Accepting defeat in an election for the first time since he won the Presidency in 1998, Chavez said the reforms had been defeated “for the moment,” using the phrase that made him famous in 1992. That year he led a military uprising against the right wing government that had impoverished Venezuelans.
When it failed he appeared on television to say that his movement had been defeated “for the moment.”
He later came back to win the Presidency.
While this made clear that Chavez intends to try and bring back many of the measures proposed (he has already announced plans to legislate for social security benefits for informal workers in parliament), it’s clear this was a big setback for the revolution in Venezuela.
There was only a 44 per cent turnout in the referendum, much smaller than the huge margin by which Chavez was re-elected last year.
It would seem a major problem was that there was not a strong enough campaign or discussion for the constitutional reforms.
Many have argued it would have been wiser not to pack so many issues into one referendum (voting was divided in to two parts, but still many measures were being voted on at once). As Professor Edgardo Lander, a Venezuelan academic put it:
“Before voting in favour of a constitutional reform which will define the State, the economy, and the democracy as socialist, we citizens have the right to take participate in these definitions. What is understood by the term socialist state? What is understood by the term socialist economy? What is understood by the term socialist democracy? In what way are these different to the states, economies, and democracies that accompanied socialism of the 20th century? Here, we are not talking about entering into a debate on semantics, rather on basic decisions about the future of the country.”
Chavez indicated when he was re-elected that he wanted to speed the pace of the revolution, and that it was time to build socialism now. However, at the moment many ordinary people are suffering as a result of shortages of basic commodities as the world economy is rocked by crises, and were not sufficiently informed or involved in the campaign to come out to vote.
Alongside this, people who in the past have been supporters of the government opposed the reforms, because they feared for their own position. the most prominent example was the former defence minister Raul Baduel, who actively campaigned for a no vote. However, many local mayors and state governors, elected because they stood as pro-Chavez, feared that the communal councils and participatory democracy would sap their power, and so failed to mobilise for the yes campaign.
While the defeat is obviously a setback, Chavez is in power until 2013, and is far from finished politically. What happens now depends on the grassroots activists building support for socialism in Venezuela, and trying to form the new United Socialist Party of Venezuela.
It is up to ordinary people in their workplaces and communities to take up the debate about what ‘socialism in the 21st century’ will look like, and win the people to a position where it can be established with mass support.
Main points in the referndum:

[1] Ending the independence of the central bank.
[1] Extending social security to workers in the informal sector.
[1] Reducing the voting age from 18 to 16.
[1] Reducing the working week from 44 to 36 hours per week
[1] Giving more power to worker’s councils to run workplaces.
[1] Eliminating intellectual property, whilst protecting author’s rights over their creations.
[1] Guaranteeing free university education and giving students full rights over the election of university officials.
[1] Requiring 50:50 gender parity for candidacies to public office.
[1] Prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and health.
[1] Removing term limits in Presidential elections.

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page eleven

Textile Workers Strike In Pakistan

by Farooq Tariq

ON 3 December, the vast majority - 80 per cent - of a half million strong workforce, at a textiles factory in the district of Faisalabad, took part in a 24 hour strike.
Their key demands included social security registration and an immediate end to Pakistan’s state of emergency.
The strike, called by the Labour Qaumi Movement (LQM), was the first major industrial action by these workers in ten years.
Over 2000 of them assembled at the Faisalabad Press Club building, defying a blockade of the roads by police.
Last week, over 20 journalists were injured during a police baton charge here, when they attempted to mount a demonstration in the name of freedom.
This time around, strike leaders, including Mian Abdul Qayum, Aslam Meraj and Rana Tahir, suggested a rally to the district mayor’s office, whilst warning of the very real danger of police brutalities if they did so.

Unanimous
This notwithstanding, the workers were unanimous in their decision to proceed, even in the face of arrests and baton charges.
The LQM leaders spoke out against the military dictatorship, saying the workers will not accept emergency rule, and will stand side by side with the advocates and journalists.
They concluded the three hour meeting with a call for an end to emergency rule and the release of all political prisoners.
Though the attendance comprised only a fraction of the workforce, the meeting learned, from area organisers, that a complete strike had been achieved, with no power loom unit functioning at all that day.
Many workers were unable to reach the meeting because of the police blockade and other factors relating to emergency rule.
The subsequent rally saw workers in a very militant mood, but it seemed that the police presence had been affected by the determined speeches they had heard.
Or perhaps they simply feared inciting more unrest.

Illegal rally
Whatever the cause, they did not intervene to stop the rally, which was illegal under new rules, despite the fact that they had met similar rallies of political activists with brutal suppression, sanctioned by emergency laws.
The rally took over the mayor’s office, and demanded that the labour director come and talk to the LQM leaders.
The director, after talks with the leadership, acceded to the main demand, announcing that all workers would receive social security cards within one week.
Faisalabad is the third largest city in Pakistan, after Karachi and Lahore, and is known as the Manchester of Pakistan because the majority of textile factories and power looms are based here.
The textile industry is held totally in private hands, thus there are no real unions at factory level.
LQM was established in 2004, and has become the main organisation of the textile workers.
In the last three years, it has organised several demonstrations, rallies, hunger strike camps, occupations of labour departments and other militant actions.
The main leader of the LQM is also a member of the Labour Party Pakistan.

Emergency rule
This strike was actually called before the imposition of emergency rule, and workers’ focus was on being registered at the government’s social security department.
There are over 12,500 small power loom units in the city, with more than half a million workers.
The majority of these units subsist on contract labour and the bosses have not registered the labour at the social security department, because they would then be liable for a payment to the department of more than US$2 per month per worker.
In return for this fee, workers gain free health facilities at some of the hospitals and some other minor concessions.
Posters and stickers to announce the strike were printed with the help of the Labour Education Foundation, a radical labour organisation, which were then flyposted all over the city.
The LQM warned in the posters that, if demands were not met, there would be a 24-hour strike across the city.

Workers meetings
Prior to this, the LQM leadership had organised a series of internal meetings with the workers to work out the strike strategy.
They decided against forcing any unit to close down, preferring instead to convince workers to take action voluntarily.
The majority of previous strike actions in Pakistan were unsuccessful because of violence by the state, and by workers themselves, desperate to make the day a success.
During the suppression of journalists and lawyers, the LQM leadership was closely associated with the movement and participated in all the demonstrations.
This has helped create a real sense of solidarity amongst the workers of the city, all the better to fight the military dictatorship of General Musharraf.
Today, following the Labour director’s pronouncement, the strike and rally ended on a positive note.
There were, however, two workers injured during an attack by bosses’ gangsters and the LQM leadership immediately registered a police case against the bosses.

Candidates
The LQM leadership has also put up two candidates to contest the general election, due to be held on 8 January.
Both will contest as candidates for the Labour Party Pakistan, although the LPP has decided in principle to boycott the general election, demanding an immediate lifting of emergency rule and the restoration of top judges.
The two candidates have already filed their nomination papers, which have been accepted by the returning officer.
A date has yet to be finalised when all LPP candidates will take back their papers, to strengthen the opposition movement for the overthrow of the dictatorship.

LPP National Congress

by Farooq Tariq

THE Labour Party Pakistan (LPP) will hold its fourth national conference on 8/9 December 2007, in Lahore.
The two day conference has already been postponed two times this year, and so it has been decided to hold it now at any cost, even if a new round of repression begins.
The conference was originally scheduled for 20-23 March 2007, but was postponed to allow an effective participation in the advocate’s movement.
The decision paid off.
The LPP’s involvement in almost all the demonstrations, leading to several comrades’ arrest, was very much appreciated by many in the movement.
The conference was then scheduled for 9-11 November 2007, but had to be postponed due to the large number of arrests of political activists after General Musharraf declared emergency rule on 3 November.
The conference papers are being discussed by LPP units in different parts of the country.
These units will elect delegates to represent their areas in the congress.
The political agenda includes international and domestic perspectives on the current political and economic situation in Pakistan, the need for Study Circles, and the LPP’s political priorities.
As well as electing a new NEC, the LPP conference will vote on a number of constitutional amendments proposed to improve LPP internal democracy.
These include proposals that no office bearer of the LPP will be elected for more than two terms, that is, four years.
Conference will also discuss proposals, made by the National Committee of the LPP, that in future only secretaries should be elected, including secretaries for Labour, Peasant, Youth and Women, as well as general secretary.
They will also elect a spokesperson at national level.
Congress proceedings will be conducted in Urdu, but English translations will be available. We welcome messages of solidarity, to be read out in the congress.

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page twelve

DWP Workers Strike Over Pay Offer

By Richie Venton

WORKERS in all Job Centres, Pension Centres and the Child Support Agency have staged a two-day strike and overtime ban in opposition to a derisory, divisive, wage-cutting pay offer that has been imposed by the DWP management.
PCS members rejected the offer - a three-year deal giving most staff 2 per cent in 2007, 0 per cent in 2008 and 1 per cent in 2009 - by a three to one majority. Rather than enter talks in the face of such overwhelming opposition from workers who are already only just above the breadline, DWP bosses imposed the deal in their pay packets on 30 November.
They offered absolutely nothing new when the union met them, which has triggered this strike.
Gerry McMahon, Glasgow DWP and convenor PCS Town Committee, told me:
“This attack on our living standards comes on top of the job cuts, office closures, and relocations that add hours to the working day, damaging family life.
“Staff in DWP are near the bottom of the Civil Service Pay League. Members must support this action to end low pay in DWP and also support the National Campaign for a National Pay System.
“If teachers and nurses have a National Pay System why not civil servants?
“This award kicks long serving staff in the teeth. It’s an offer meant to divide the membership.
“The vote for action shows members see through this, even new staff getting more money are not being hoodwinked. These staff should get a yearly increase for pay progression and another cost of living increase - this is what happened before.
“Adding progression increases to the yearly pay award for new staff allows management to give the impression the award is better than it actually is.
“The huge sums on pay bonuses are a joke. Staff have told management time after time in staff surveys that they despise performance pay.
“The money spent on bonuses could easily be used to top up basic pay and give every member an improved offer.”
Gerry appeals to DWP workers to stand together to take action:
“As always, spending billions on consultants is ridiculous. Get active in the union to carry out the overtime ban. Force the government to end this low pay scandal and give DWP staff a decent living wage.”
The Scottish Socialist Party offers unqualified support to all DWP strikers.
As PCS has rightly pointed out, none of the mainstream political parties challenges the New Labour government’s prejudice and hostility to public services and public service workers. In contrast, the Scottish Socialist Party does - we have consistently sided with PCS and its members from the day we were formed in 1998.
The strikers’ cause is just, their demands modest, and the bosses’ response despicable.
Senior Managers (those above Grade 6) had pay rises themselves of 6.5 per cent to 7.6 per cent this year. Permanent Secretaries enjoyed rises for 2007 of up to 9 per cent - and a minimum bonus of £3,000.
Yet these people refused to even enter meaningful talks with PCS.
They refused the modest demand of the union for a one-year pay rise to match inflation for 2007, or to continue negotiations over 2008 and 2009 pay.
They instead imposed pay cuts, with their three-year deal that means a miserly 24p above New Labour’s poverty minimum wage for the lowest paid in DWP.
Meanwhile New Labour is slashing 25,000 jobs in Revenue and Customs. Then they try to lay the blame for the loss of 25million people’s personal records on low paid staff who face these job cuts!
New Labour is the party of pay cuts and privatisation. And look at the results. Mayhem for the many, obscene wealth increases for the few.
The National Audit Office Report on the privatisation of QinetiQ - a former government research agency and now a major corporation in the arms trade - confirms that the only people to gain are a handful of senior managers and big corporations.
Since that public service was hived off to the private sector, the Carlyle Group of investors has seen its rate of return rocket by 112 per cent. And senior managers have gained by 20,000 per cent! Chief Executive, Sir John Chisholm, has seen his personal investment rise in value from £0.3million to £26million - mind-boggling figures, but a planet apart from the pathetic pay DWP members endure and the pay cuts they are having to strike back against.
These pay cuts pile the agony on top of the savage job cuts and increased workloads facing staff.
They are the result of a Labour government that puts profit before people, squandering £70billion on consultants in the public sector since they came to power.
Unfortunately, the SNP also supports that system of profiteering.
They too have threatened civil servants’ jobs. They have upped the ante in their recent budget announcement of public sector ‘efficiency’ targets not of 1.5 per as they originally announced, but now 2 per cent.
That means thousands of jobs are under threat in Scotland.
The SSP will continue to build support for all PCS members forced to strike, and will fight within our unions for wider united action across the public sector.
Civil servants striking for decent pay can rely on the support of the SSP - and the continued contempt of the mainstream parties.

Royal Mail vote for settlement

By Richie Venton

Royal Mail workers have voted to accept the deal negotiated by their national leadership.
In a turnout of 64 per cent, a majority of 64 per cent voted to accept. But this is no ringing endorsement of the settlement reached, which falls miles short of the demands of the 130,000 strikers who braved management intimidation and carried out eight powerful days of strike action over the past six months.
Quite the opposite, as Dave Chapple, from Bristol Amal branch of the CWU told us at a meeting in Glasgow of the National Shop S t e w a r d s Network:
“No, this was no vote of confidence in the deal - which is a shite deal. It was because members felt the task of taking on the entire union leadership was too daunting.
“Royal Mail will now try to close Mail Centres, with Coventry first in line.
They’ll try to get posties who have just finished a ten mile round - in my case 15 miles a day - to do ‘another half hour’, when in fact it is another two hours’ work.
“There will be unofficial walkouts in the strong areas, and they’ll be walked all over in the weaker areas.
“Posties with 20 years service in their 40s stand to lose over £30,000 in pensions.
“I believe this defeat is all to do with CWU general secretary Billy Hayes’ love affair with the Labour government.
“He got a phone call from either Gordon Brown or John Hutton, with threats, on the Friday before the last Monday/Tuesday strikes were due [in October]. This was shortly after Brown told us ‘to get back to work’.
“That weekend, during talks, Royal Mail managers took out an injunction against the strikes.
“But instead of walking out of these talks in protest to lead the strikes, Billy Hayes and Dave Ward stayed in the talks - and the CWU lawyer, not even the elected leadership - called off the strikes. Our leaders were frightened of upsetting the Labour government.
“It’s a defeat, though not a devastating one. The CWU’s relationship with the Labour Party caused it and I hope the union will pull out of the Labour Party at our May conference.”

 


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